<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/reuben-loffman-344578">Reuben Loffman</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/queen-mary-university-of-london-1745">Queen Mary University of London</a>

Sylvestre Ilunga Ilukamba is the <a href="https://www.jeuneafrique.com/mag/779729/politique/rdc-discret-et-consensuel-sylvestre-ilunga-ilunkamba-descend-dans-larene/">new prime minister</a> of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). He’s <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/20190520-dr-congos-tshisekedi-names-new-prime-minister">an old-timer</a> who has worked for former presidents Mobutu Sese Seko, Laurent Kabila, and his son Joseph Kabila. He now joins President Felix Tshisekedi’s freshly minted administration. 

At the time of Ilunga’s appointment the DRC had been without a premier for more than four months. This was not ideal given the importance of the position. Congolese premiers must <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/dr-congo-ruling-coalition-wins-legislative-majority/a-47057940">countersign presidential orders</a>. Without a prime minister, the president can struggle to exercise full control over the government. 

It’s therefore no surprise that without a prime minister for the first four months of his presidency Tshisekedi has not been able to set out a clear legislative agenda. 

The appointment confirms fears that former president Joseph Kabila <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2019/05/03/kabila-meets-new-drc-governors-rallies-support-for-tshisekedi-alliance//">still wields a lot of power</a> over the Congolese government. Ilunga is one of his <a href="https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/africa/Felix-Tshisekedi-names--ally-of-joseph-kabila-as-prime-minister/4552902-5131058-hwccdlz/index.html">close confidants</a>. 

This might be overblown given that Tshisekedi had no real choice about appointing a Kabila ally. The DRC Constitution requires that the prime minister comes from the largest party in the National Assembly. That party is Kabila’s Peoples’ Party for Reconciliation and Democracy.

Nevertheless, there’s no doubt that Ilunga will face dealing with conflicts between party and president. Kabila’s Peoples’ Party for Reconciliation and Democracy and Tshisekedi’s Union for Democracy and Social Progress are bound to clash from time to time and Ilunga is likely to get caught in the cross-fire. In that position, he will have to choose whether to advance the president’s agenda or to frustrate it. If he chooses to frustrate, Tshisekedi’s time at the helm will be rocky.

Tshisekedi will also have to work with a National Assembly that is dominated by an <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2019/03/16/drc-ruling-party-fails-to-get-senate-seat-kabila-coalition-dominates/">opposing coalition</a>. This means that he will not be able to pass laws without the approval of the Kabila led Common Front for Congo. 

Away from the parliament, Kabila is yet to <a href="https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2019/05/25/congos-new-president-felix-tshisekedi-does-not-call-the-shots">move out</a> of the presidential palace. Meanwhile, Tshisekedi is often met with indifference around the country. He will have to work hard to dislodge the status quo. 

Ilunga’s appointment, however, could dent his efforts to prove that he is the man in charge. The new prime minister’s experience and expertise — he was once head of the Congo’s national rail network (SNCC) and is an economics professor at the University of Kinshasa — could potentially help Tshisedi even if his time at the helm of the SNCC was a failure. Whether or not Ilunga’s experience helps Tshisekedi depends on the choices he elects to make. 

<h2>Key challenges to the presidency</h2>

Tshisekedi also needs to set out his agenda. There are a number of challenges he will have to tackle head on. 

The first thing he will have to deal with is the <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/eastern-drc-tens-thousands-forcibly-displaced-surge-violence">continued violence</a> in north-eastern Congo. During the campaign he promised to reestablish law and order, but he may not be able to do so given the violence. 

The <a href="https://theconversation.com/radical-ideas-are-needed-to-break-the-drcs-ebola-outbreak-here-are-some-116681">Ebola outbreak</a> in north-eastern Congo poses another challenge. The disease has already claimed hundreds of lives and efforts to control its spread have been compromised by political instability and <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/04/30/cliches-can-kill-in-congo-grand-nord-north-kivu-tropes-conflict-ebola-response/">attacks</a> on treatment centres. 

While Tshisekedi must appear to be in control of the outbreak it is clear that most of the responsibility to manage the disease will <a href="https://www.who.int/news-room/detail/23-05-2019-united-nations-strengthens-ebola-response-in-democratic-republic-of-the-congo">fall to the UN</a>. This means that he will have to work with the world body despite its <a href="https://unu.edu/publications/articles/why-cuts-to-un-troops-in-congo-could-be-good-thing.html">unpopularity among the locals</a>. The UN is unpopular because it has failed to contain the recent spate of killings in northeastern Congo. 

He will also have to tackle the DRC’s poverty problem. Poverty is widespread in the DRC despite the country having a great deal of mineral wealth. <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-43355678">Foreign miners are heavily taxed</a> but this revenue has done little to raise standards of living for ordinary Congolese. Although the World Bank has stated that <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/country/congo-dem-rep">poverty is decreasing</a> in the vast central African country, it is far from alleviated. It’s claimed that <a href="https://borgenproject.org/facts-about-poverty-in-the-democratic-republic-of-the-congo/">80% of the DRC’s 77 million people</a> live in extreme poverty. 

The DRC <a href="https://www.publicfinanceinternational.org/news/2018/10/drc-tax-collection-lags-other-africa-nations">collects less taxes</a> than the majority of African nations. This means that Tshisekedi’s administration will remain reliant on donors to support Congo’s impoverished population for years to come.

In addition, Tshikedi will have to come to terms with the looming spectre of former presidential hopeful Martin Fayulu who <a href="https://africanarguments.org/2019/04/16/one-day-congo-will-explode-what-now-drc-congo-martin-fayulu/">still believes he won</a> the presidential election. 

<h2>Overcoming obstacles</h2>

Soon after his swearing-in Tshisekedi launched a <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2019/03/27/tshisekedi-s-shuttle-diplomacy-heads-to-us-after-visits-to-6-african-nations/">charm offensive</a> to woo world leaders. His aim was to create multilateral partnerships to reinforce his grip on power. He met with several African heads of state including those of the Republic of Congo, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Angola and Namibia.

His most critical meeting was with <a href="https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/democratic-republic-of-the-congo/events/article/visit-by-jean-yves-le-drian-to-the-democratic-republic-of-congo-and-chad-20-21">French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Driani</a>. The two men agreed to strengthen bilateral ties between France and the DRC. France agreed to train high-ranking officers in the Congolese army. Military strength is clearly a priority for the new president.

The economy must be too. Tshisekedi must send a clear message that the country is stable and open for business despite <a href="https://www.africanews.com/2019/01/15/drc-election-hub-top-opposition-candidate-calls-for-debate/">initial questions</a> around the conduct of the presidential election. 

<hr>

 
 
 Read more:
 <a href="http://theconversation.com/tshisekedis-victory-in-the-drc-is-historic-but-controversial-109673">Tshisekedi’s victory in the DRC is historic &#8212; but controversial</a>
 
 

<hr>


Despite his shaky start, Tshisekedi has parts of Africa, France and <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/02/01/how-washington-got-on-board-with-congos-rigged-election-drc-tshisekedi-kabila-great-lakes/">the US</a> on his side. It remains to be seen whether these allies will give him enough support to survive his first term in office.<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/118247/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important" />

<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/reuben-loffman-344578">Reuben Loffman</a>, Lecturer in African History, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/queen-mary-university-of-london-1745">Queen Mary University of London</a>

This article is republished from <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/drcs-new-president-faces-fresh-challenges-with-old-guard-premier-118247">original article</a>.

The key challenges that DRC’s new president faces

KINSHASA (Reuters) &#8211; Election monitors from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) said on Wednesday that Democratic Republic of Congo’s presidential election “went relatively well” despite chaotic scenes that prevented many from voting.



READ: <a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/international/2019/01/02/drc-elections-felix-tshisekedi/">DRC elections: Downpours,no internet drudgery and a fisherman’s find on the way to a Mandela- inspired tomorrow?</a>



The SADC’s qualified endorsement countered allegations by opposition candidates that the Dec. 30 vote was marred by widespread irregularities and criticism by a senior U.S. lawmaker that the election was “neither free nor fair”.



Approval of the election’s results by SADC powers like South Africa and Angola will be critical for the legitimacy of the administration of the next president, who will succeed veteran incumbent Joseph Kabila on Jan. 18.



Angola and South Africa have been important allies of Kabila over the years, but relations were strained by his refusal to step down when his mandate officially expired in 2016.



Pre-election polling showed Kabila’s preferred candidate, ex-interior minister Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, trailing the main opposition candidates, Martin Fayulu and Felix Tshisekedi, but both sides say they expect to win. Provisional results are expected on Jan. 6, with the final outcome on Jan. 15.



Sunday’s vote is meant to lead to Congo’s first democratic transfer of power in 59 years of independence. But more than a million Congolese in opposition strongholds were prevented from voting due to an Ebola outbreak, local factional conflict and various logistical problems.



“Taking into account the range of challenges posed by these elections, the (mission) observed that the elections &#8230; were relatively well-managed,” the SADC mission said in a statement.



The election allowed “the majority of the Congolese population to exercise its right to vote”.



The statement said that 59 percent of polling places it observed opened on time, vote counting was transparent and police securing the polls behaved professionally.



An African Union observer mission said in a separate statement on Wednesday that election day, which also included votes for national and provincial assembly members, was peaceful yet blighted by a number of logistical problems.



“The holding of these elections constitutes, in itself, a first great victory for the Congolese people,” it said. “The mission strongly wishes that the results that will be declared are true to the vote of the Congolese people.”



Kabila’s government refused to accredit election monitors from the European Union and the U.S.-based Carter Center, which said there were widespread irregularities in the 2011 election.



Contested election results in 2006 and 2011 led to violent street protests, and a disputed outcome this time could also destabilise Congo’s volatile eastern borderlands with Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, where dozens of militia groups are active.



Writing by Aaron Ross; Editing by Edward McAllister and Mark Heinrich

SADC observers endorse DRC’s election – with caveats

By Chris Bishop, head of programming CNBC Africa



The results of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s rare elections are expected this weekend, according to a special adviser to one of the candidates promising a business friendly government and Mandela-style reconciliation for the war torn, yet mineral rich,nation.



It has been a journey of drudgery, downpours, allegations of fraud and protest since the polls opened on December 30 to find a successor to Joseph Kabila. He has stepped down after nearly two decades running the country that his father, Laurent, who died in a mysterious assassination in 2001, took control of in 1997 after overthrowing Mobuto Sese Seko.



Felix Tshisekedi, the son of a former minister who studied in Belgium and set up his own delivery business in Brussels after years working in the Post Office, is fighting it out with former Exxon Mobil manager and opposition lawmaker Martin Fayulu and the man with Kabila’s vote, former interior minister Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary.



 <blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RDC?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#RDC</a> Le Président Joseph <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Kabila?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Kabila</a> a rempli son devoir civique, en compagnie des siens, ce dimanche 30 décembre 2018 à Kinshasa. <a href="https://t.co/tMiljzmywD">pic.twitter.com/tMiljzmywD</a>— Présidence RDC ?? (@Presidence_RDC) <a href="https://twitter.com/Presidence_RDC/status/1079286376816930816?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 30, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async="" src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>



“The latest we are leading by between 40 and 45%, in 13 out of 14 provinces. Around 70% of the vote has been counted and we understand all the votes have been captured,” says Claude Ibalanky Ekolomba, the special adviser to Tshisekedi . 



“Overall we are excited and extremely confident. We are leading the race at the moment.”



<h3 class="wp-block-heading"><a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/international/2018/12/31/drc-elections-why-the-opposition-is-crying-foul/">Read: DRC elections: Opposition, ruling coalition both say they’ve won, here’s why</a></h3>



Ibalanky Ekolomba, who is visiting Johannesburg, admits it is difficult to keep contact with the people back in the DRC with the internet shut down by the state for fear it may stir unrest.



“We have ways to get through, it is not always reliable but we do and it is the people on the ground who know what is happening,” he says. He pointed to a case of alleged fraud where a bag of votes for Tshisekedi were found by a fisherman in a river near Lake Kivu who simply picked it up and reported it to the authorities.



“You cannot stop 30 million people witnessing their own election and when things are happening we are told.”



Ibalanky Ekolomba says Tshisekedi wants to be a business friendly president, if elected, in search of the foreign direct investment that the DRC desperately needs to reap the rewards of its rich minerals.&nbsp;Tshisekedi did not plan to cancel contracts with foreign companies as had been done before after changes of government.



“If we find a mistake in a contract we will engage and see how we are going to correct it,” he says.



“Some people are fearing we will be hard on business but not at all – we will be open for business.”



Tshisekedi also promises to appoint people to government on merit.



“Fighting corruption and money laundering. There will be no witch hunt among people who were members of the former government, we will be saying let’s build this country together just like Mandela did,” says Ibalanky Ekolomba.&nbsp;

DRC elections: Downpours,no internet drudgery and a fisherman’s find on the way to a Mandela- inspired tomorrow?

KINSHASA (Reuters) &#8211; Democratic Republic of Congo’s opposition said on Monday it expected one of its candidates to win the presidential election based on early vote tallies, but the ruling coalition said it was confident its candidate had won the chaotic contest.



The competing claims followed a disorderly election day on Sunday in which many Congolese were unable to vote due to an Ebola outbreak, conflict and logistical problems.



The vote is meant to choose a successor to outgoing President Joseph Kabila after 18 years in power and could lead to the vast central African country’s first ever democratic transition.



Any disputed outcome could lead to a repeat of the violence that followed the 2006 and 2011 elections and a wider security breakdown, particularly along Congo’s borders with Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, where dozens of armed militia are active.



Vital Kamerhe, the campaign manager to opposition candidate Felix Tshisekedi, said early counting showed Tshisekedi and the other main opposition candidate Martin Fayulu neck-and-neck in the lead, both with over 40 percent of the vote.



He said the ruling coalition candidate, Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, who is backed by Kabila, had only about 13 percent, although a significant part of the vote remained to be tabulated.



The election is a first-past-the-post system with no run-off.



Nehemie Mwilanya, Kabila’s chief of staff and a member of Shadary’s campaign, told a news conference on Monday morning that he was confident Shadary had won, although he did not provide specific figures.



“For us, victory is certain,” Mwilanya said.



Fayulu’s camp has not yet provided specific numbers but Fayulu said late on Sunday that Shadary’s camp was “dreaming” if it thought it was going to win.



The most recent opinion poll before the election, released by New York University’s Congo Research Group on Friday, showed Fayulu, a former Exxon Mobil manager, leading the race on 47 percent.



Tshisekedi had 24 percent and Shadary 19 percent.



The first partial results are expected from the national electoral commission (CENI) on Tuesday.



Election day was mostly peaceful despite several violent incidents, including an altercation at a polling place in eastern Congo in which at least three people were killed.



More than 1.2 million Congolese were also unable to vote in three opposition strongholds, where the CENI cancelled the poll last week, citing an ongoing Ebola outbreak and ethnic violence.



However, in the Ebola hotspot of Beni, an opposition stronghold, residents staged a mock presidential election to show the authorities a decision to postpone the vote there due to health fears was unfounded.



Writing By Aaron Ross, Editing by William Maclean

Update DRC elections: Opposition, ruling coalition both say they’ve won, here’s why

KINSHASA (Reuters) &#8211; Long queues, broken-down machines and torrential rain in the capital disrupted voting in Democratic Republic of Congo’s long-anticipated presidential poll on Sunday, as the opposition alleged widespread irregularities.



<a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/international/2018/12/28/why-protests-are-erupting-as-drc-elections-loom/">Three opposition strongholds will see no casting of ballots</a> at all after the authorities cancelled the vote there, citing health risks from an ongoing Ebola outbreak and ethnic violence.



READ: <a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/international/2018/12/28/drcs-best-known-political-cartoonist-making-light-of-grim-realities-shares-his-election-hopes/">DRC’s best known political cartoonist: Making light of grim realities shares his election hopes</a>



Some polling places in other opposition bastions in the capital Kinshasa did not open until more than seven hours after the 6 a.m. (0500 GMT) start because voter rolls had not arrived.



Elections are a rare event in Congo, which has been plagued by authoritarian rule, assassinations, coups and civil wars since independence from Belgium in 1960.



If President Joseph Kabila, in power since his father’s assassination in 2001, steps down after the vote it will be the country’s first ever democratic transition.



Kabila voted early in the morning in Kinshasa at the same school as the candidate he is backing, former interior minister Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, whom the latest opinion polls showed trailing two opposition candidates.



“My only concern is that we have this very heavy rain and probably voter turnout might be low, but hopefully the skies will clear, and the voters will turn out in numbers,” Kabila, wearing a dark blue suit, told reporters.



The Catholic bishops conference (CENCO) said electronic voting machines, criticised by the opposition as vulnerable to fraud, had dysfunctioned in at least 544 of 12,300 polling places it monitored. It also said 846 polling stations were installed in “prohibited places” like military and police posts.



Some voters also complained they could not find their names on the rolls, and flooded streets in Kinshasa prevented others from reaching their polling stations.



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Vital Kamerhe, the campaign director for Felix Tshisekedi, one of the two leading opposition candidates in the race, said he had received reports of fraud in Shadary’s favour.



In the western city of Inongo, Kamerhe said, the head of a polling place was found voting several times for Shadary and three machines there were converting votes for Tshisekedi into votes for Shadary.



Reuters could not independently confirm the allegations, and the national electoral commission (CENI) said in a tweet that in Inongo and several other cities, “voting operations are underway and everything is going well”.



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">PROTESTS</h3>



Despite repeated delays to the contest, which was originally meant to take place in 2016, diplomats and poll observers have said authorities are ill-prepared, raising fears of a repeat of the violence that followed elections in 2006 and 2011.



Kabila’s agreement to stick to constitutional term limits should represent progress for the mineral-rich country. But he could continue to exercise influence from the sidelines and has not ruled out running again for president in 2023.



Violent protests erupted this week after authorities announced that voting had been cancelled in the Ebola-hit eastern cities of Beni and Butembo, their surrounding areas and the western city of Yumbi.



Together, they account for more than 1.2 million out of the Central African country’s 40 million voters nationwide and are all considered opposition bastions.



In Beni, dozens of voters lined up on Sunday morning to write their choices on sheets of paper, residents said.



Voting was mostly peaceful across the country, but there were a few violent incidents. In the central city of Kananga, the head of a polling place was beaten up by voters who suspected him of trying to cheat when he moved a broken-down voting machine from the room, two local activists said.



In eastern Congo’s Masisi territory, militia fighters were also reported around polling sites, pressuring people to vote for their preferred candidates, a Western diplomat said.



The most recent poll released by New York University’s Congo Research Group on Friday showed former Exxon Mobil manager and opposition lawmaker Martin Fayulu leading the race on 47 percent, buoyed by discontent with Kabila’s 18-year tenure.



Under Kabila, Congo has seen strong economic growth from surging copper and cobalt output but only meagre improvements to average people’s quality of life.



Another opposition leader, Felix Tshisekedi, trailed in the poll with 24 percent, while Shadary got 19 percent.



“I will vote for Martin Fayulu,” said Mama Wivine, 40 and unemployed, as she waited for the machine to arrive at her polling place in Kinshasa’s Camp Luka neighbourhood. “We hope he can bring jobs and better conditions for us Congolese. We are fed up with the regime of Kabila.”



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">DUELLING EXPECTATIONS</h3>



After voting in Kinshasa, Fayulu said: “Today, we mark the end of Mr. Kabila, the end of the misery of the Congolese people.”



But Shadary has big institutional advantages, including round-the-clock coverage on state media. Kabila appointees also dominate national institutions.



“I think victory is on my side and that tonight I will be president,” Shadary said after casting his ballot.



The CENI has tried to reassure the opposition about the voting machines by saying that only print-outs from the machines counted by hand will be factored into the official results.



But any disputed outcome could lead to a wider security breakdown across Congo, particularly along its eastern borders with Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi, where dozens of armed militia are active.



The last polls close at 5 p.m. (1600 GMT), although voting will continue for those still in line. Voters are also choosing representatives for the national and provincial assemblies.



Reporting by Giulia Paravicini and Fiston Mahamba; Additional reporting by Baz Ratner, Sabiti Djaffar and Juliette Jabkhiro; Writing by Aaron Ross and Alessandra Prentice; Editing by Helen Popper, Christopher Cushing and Raissa Kasolowsky, William Maclean

DRC elections: After three postponements, voting takes place, this is the outcome so far…

KINSHASA, Dec 28 (Reuters) &#8211; Thembo Kashauri has sketched some of the most scathing parodies of Joseph Kabila, yet Congo’s best-known political cartoonist has mixed feelings about the taciturn president’s impending departure after nearly two decades in power.



“He had an atypical personality for a head of state but he inspired a lot of my drawings,” the cartoonist known as Kash said in his cramped studio cluttered with old computer equipment in the capital Kinshasa.



“His silences were so eloquent that the fact he didn’t speak much said a lot,” he said of Kabila, who has governed Democratic Republic of Congo since his father’s assassination in 2001.



After Kabila finally agreed not to defy presidential term limits by standing in Sunday’s election, Kash drew a weeping Joseph with his signature salt-and-pepper beard and thick head of hair being comforted by South Africa’s president.



“Power is life,” sobs Kabila as Cyril Ramaphosa reassures him there is life after the presidency.



The election, which has turned into a race between Kabila’s favoured candidate and two main opposition challengers, could lead to Congo’s first democratic transfer of power after decades marked by armed conflicts.



But the poll, which is already two years late because Kabila refused to go when his mandate expired, has been marred by killings on the campaign trail and opposition outcry after the electoral commission cancelled the vote in several of their strongholds, citing security and health concerns.



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">‘TURN THE PAGE’</h3>



Kash, 53, is well-accustomed to finding ways to make light of Congo’s grim realities, but he hopes the outcome of Sunday’s vote could lighten the dark mood that permeates his sketches.



“If one of the opposition candidates took power, I think &#8230; we could turn the page,” he said.



Kash, who draws for Le Potentiel, an opposition-leaning daily in Kinshasa, and the news site actualite.cd, has found plenty to poke fun at during a topsy-turvy campaign.



After the electoral commission announced last week yet another seven-day delay to the vote, Kash sketched commission president Corneille Nangaa on an A4 sheet of paper in chef’s whites in a smoke-filled kitchen.



While Nangaa stirs a big pot labelled “December 30 cassoulet”, an anxious waitress asks if the food is ready as the diners are on the verge of rioting.



“I’m trying to portray Congolese people’s anxiety about December 30,” Kash told Reuters after filling in an initial pencil sketch with bold strokes of thick black marker.



Kash, who hails from the eastern city of Beni, began his career as a painter but learned to draw cartoons from a Belgian artist and started to sketch for magazines in the 1980s.



At first, he stuck to cartoons about music and culture but he started depicting veteran Congolese autocrat Mobutu Sese Seko in 1990 after his forces massacred dozens of students in the southeastern city of Lubumbashi.



“We couldn’t caricature politics,” he said. “In 1990, I was just about the first to caricature Mobutu.”



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION</h3>



Often heavy-handed repression of journalists and activists has continued since the Mobutu era through the administrations of Laurent Kabila and his son, Joseph.



But Kash says he rarely faces official pressure to tone down his drawings &#8211; even if his newspaper occasionally won’t run cartoons it deems too provocative.



READ: <a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/international/2018/12/28/why-protests-are-erupting-as-drc-elections-loom/">Why protests are erupting as DRC elections loom</a>



On several occasions, he has drawn Congo as an open-air prison hemmed in by high walls and barbed wire. In 2014, he drew Kabila trying on Mobutu’s trademark leopard-skin hat as the old dictator tells him he’ll be able to hold on to power if he just adds a cane and glasses to his repertoire.



Kash’s ability to mock the rich and powerful in Congo reflects in part a country that has long proved too big and too unruly for any leader to muzzle its famed sense of humour, unlike its more tightly controlled neighbours.



“The freedom of expression we have in Congo is the result of a long struggle. In Brazzaville and Rwanda, you don’t mess around. You’ll get yourself killed,” he said.



Even so, there are few other cartoonists who have his fearless style. “They’re too timid,” said Kash.



Despite his self-avowed fondness for drawing Kabila, Kash said his would-be successors have some potential too.



One of the frontrunners, Felix Tshisekedi, has the same bulk as his father, the late opposition icon Etienne, and sports the same distinctive flat cap. Kash said he also enjoys drawing Kabila’s preferred successor, Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary.



“Since he was picked as the heir apparent, I’ve been able to draw him fairly easily because he has quite fine features &#8211; the nose, the body. He’s an interesting subject to draw.” (Reporting by Alessandra Prentice in Kinshasa and Aaron Ross in Dakar; editing by David Clarke)

DRC’s best known political cartoonist: Making light of grim realities shares his election hopes

KINSHASA (Reuters) &#8211; Congo’s President Joseph Kabila will not stand in the election scheduled for December, a spokesman said, finally agreeing to obey a two-term limit but picking a hard-core loyalist under European Union sanctions to stand instead.
The announcement on Wednesday by spokesman Lambert Mende that former interior minister Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary would represent Kabila’s ruling coalition in the Dec. 23 vote came just hours before the deadline to register candidates.
“We are all going to align behind (him),” Mende said.
Kabila was due to step down in 2016 at the end of his constitutional mandate, but the election to replace him was repeatedly delayed. That sparked protests in which the security forces killed dozens of people, and stoked militia violence in Democratic Republic of Congo’s volatile east.
Kabila had come under strong pressure from regional allies such as Angola as well as the United States and EU to stand down.
The selection of Ramazani, 57, is, however, a defiant move. He is under EU sanctions for alleged human rights abuses, including deadly crackdowns by security forces on protesters.
Kabila’s choice of a die-hard loyalist suggests that the president, who came to power after his father’s assassination in 2001, intends to remain closely involved in national politics. 
A Ramazani victory could lead to a continuation of Kabila’s policies, including a tough line on the mining sector, where foreign investors hope the government will walk back steep tax hikes approved earlier this year.
Congo is Africa’s top producer of copper and the world’s leading miner of cobalt, which is prized for its use in batteries for electric cars and other electronics.
KABILA PULLS THE STRINGS? 
Kabila will remain at the head of his People’s Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD) and has installed loyalists across the federal bureaucracy, including in the courts and in the military.
But the announcement that he will not run again will ease fears in the region and beyond that a Kabila candidacy would drag the country back into the civil wars of the turn of the century in which millions died, mostly from hunger and disease.
“What matters for the moment is that the constitution, whether willingly or not, has been respected,” said Senator Jacques Ndjoli of the opposition MLC party of former vice president and presidential candidate Jean-Pierre Bemba.
“Despite the multiple attempts to circumvent the constitution, President Kabila finally understood that the supreme law applies to everyone.”
The election should now herald Congo’s first democratic transition of power following decades marked by authoritarian rule, coups and deadly conflict.
Ramazani, a former governor of the eastern province of Maniema, served as interior minister from late 2016 until this February, when he was named permanent secretary of the PPRD.
He is a combative defender of Kabila and oversaw repeated crackdowns on protesters and pro-democracy groups as interior minister, especially in the aftermath of Kabila’s refusal to quit power when his mandate expired in December 2016.
In May last year, the EU slapped a travel ban and asset freeze on him for his involvement in “planning, directing or committing acts that constitute serious human rights violations”.
Several opposition candidates, including Bemba and the president of Congo’s largest opposition party, Felix Tshisekedi, have also registered to run.
They fear the goodwill Kabila could earn from not seeking a new term could make it easier for his coalition to cheat and are concerned about voter rolls they say are faulty and electronic voting machines due to be used for the first time.
His supporters dismiss these concerns.
“Today, Kabila has shown that he is the father of democracy in Congo,” Patrick Nkanga, a PPRD official, told Reuters by telephone.
A nationwide opinion poll last month showed opposition candidates collecting a significant majority of the vote with potential candidates from the ruling coalition trailing far behind.
Ramazani did not receive enough votes to be included in the poll’s results.
Reporting by Amedee Mwarabu; Writing by Aaron Ross; Editing by Tim Cocks and Alison Williams
Our Standards:The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

DRC’s Kabila will not run in December elections, here’s what you need to know

By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kealeboga-j-maphunye-171061">Kealeboga J Maphunye</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-south-africa-1951">University of South Africa</a>
Some African countries have recorded democratic victories in the past 12 months. Ethiopia has a <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-ethiopias-new-leader-could-be-a-game-changer-94424">new leader</a> whose ascent holds great promise for change, despite the country’s <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/ethiopia-100-election">problematic 2015 election</a>. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jan/30/liberia-george-weah-salary-change-constitution-racism">Liberia</a> and <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/sierra-leones-new-leader-bio-starts-work-as-president-20180405">Sierra Leone</a> have new leaders.
But elsewhere on the continent, leaders continue to disregard their countries’ own constitutions and laws governing presidential tenure. The Democratic Republic of Congo’s Joseph Kabila has been in power <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/07/joseph-kabila-will-not-stand-in-next-drc-elections-aide-says">since 2001</a>. He refuses to go even though he was meant to step down in December 2016. In Uganda, Yoweri Museveni has clung to power since <a href="http://www.africareview.com/news/UG-lawmakers-pave-the-way-for-Museveni-stay-in-power/979180-4093204-ug1sqi/index.html">1986</a>. Denis Sassou Nguesso has ruled Congo for <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14121193">almost 30 years</a>.
Their refusal to step down at the appointed time flies in the face of several governance blueprints adopted as African countries shifted away from liberation politics to the new post independence <a href="https://theconversation.com/democracy-in-africa-the-ebbs-and-flows-over-six-decades-42011">struggle for democracy</a> in the early 2000s.
The <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/dated-event/organisation-african-unity-formed-and-africa-day-declared">Organisation of African Unity</a> was transformed into the <a href="https://au.int/">African Union</a> in 2001 with this shift in mind. The continent adopted progressive governance tools like the <a href="https://au.int/en/organs/aprm">African Peer Review Mechanism</a>. This was spearheaded by former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo and South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki as a tool for African countries to review one another’s performance.
Numerous African countries adopted and agreed to uphold the terms of the African Union Charter on Democracy, <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/treaties/7790-treaty-0034_-_african_charter_on_democracy_elections_and_governance_e.pdf">Elections and Governance</a>. It came into force in 2012 and was designed to guard against undemocratic governance.
These plans promised a great deal. They were designed to usher in good governance, democracy and security. It was hoped Africa’s image as a continent of ignorance, poverty, disease, misrule and corruption could be erased.
The rhetoric pointed in the right direction. But not all African leaders were willing to be swept by this wave of democratic reforms. Some are quite simply addicted to power, as shown by their reluctance – if not outright resistance – to leave at the end of their legal terms.
Leaders continuing to overstay their welcome undermines Africa’s attempts at overhauling its leadership and negates the noble intentions of the AU’s founders.
<h2>Term limits</h2>
Term limits regulate leadership succession. They are meant to counteract leaders’ temptation to overstay their welcome. This helps to consolidate and legitimise democratically elected leadership.
Of course, they’re not enough. Regular transfer of power as seen in countries like Mauritius, Ghana, Botswana and Zambia, among others, cannot guarantee political and socio-economic stability. Other ingredients such as accountable, legitimate leadership are critical.
The benefits of frequent power transfers are evident in African countries that have them, such as <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/electoral-commission-confirms-senegal-ruling-coalition-landslide-20170805-2">Senegal</a>; <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-botswana-politics/botswanas-khama-steps-down-as-president-after-a-decade-at-helm-idUSKBN1H70DO">Botswana</a> and <a href="https://guardian.ng/news/mauritius-gets-new-pm-opposition-demands-new-election/">Mauritius</a>. Incumbents are kept on their toes because there’s a real chance they can be removed from power if they fail to govern properly.But regular transfers of power give citizens hope that new policies, programmes and approaches will be adopted by the new leadership. In turn, this could overturn numerous political, social, economic impacts of uninterrupted strangleholds on power in Africa.
Term limits have recently become controversial and divisive. Some leaders have used dubious constitutional amendments to extend their stay in power. Usually, governing parties and their leaders almost exclusively pass such amendments with minimal or no opposition participation. That’s what happened in Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi and Congo Republic.
Similarly, despite constitutional provisions and regular elections, countries such as Angola, Togo, Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea are virtually de facto one party or one leader repressive states wherein resignation, retirement and term limits are meaningless.
Leaders have different reasons for refusing to leave office. In some countries, the answer lies in a lack of succession planning to transfer power. In others, leaders blatantly refuse to resign because of their despotic and kleptocratic tendencies. They abuse their states’ minerals, oil and money with their <a href="https://issafrica.org/iss-today/african-leaders-take-the-blame-for-the-continents-resource-curse">families and friends</a>. Stepping aside would cost them these “benefits”.
For instance, the eventual departure of Angola’s Eduardo Dos Santos from office after decades in power has <a href="https://theconversation.com/stability-in-southern-africa-hinges-on-how-leaders-gain-and-lose-power-89980">left his family exposed</a>. His children stand accused of amassing billions during their father’s many terms.
Without strong constitutional safeguards and a democratic culture to counter the negative consequences of the <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2012-04-13-anc-must-renew-itself-and-root-out-sins-of-incumbency">“sins of incumbency”</a> – as corruption associated with state power is often described by South Africa’s governing party, the African National Congress – can be menacing. It breeds <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Big-Men-Little-People-Leaders/dp/081477542X">“Big Men, Little People”</a>, to borrow a phrase from the title of a book by journalist Alec Russel.
<h2>Weaning leaders off power addiction</h2>
Perceptive leaders know when to leave office, whether through resignation or <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/03/31/botswana-president-ian-khama-steps-down-after-end-of-tenure//">retirement</a>. Botswana’s past and current presidents have established this practice despite the country’s continued <a href="http://www.thepatriot.co.bw/analysis-opinions/item/3585-single-party-dominance-not-good-for-democracy.html">one-party domination</a>.
With the emergence of a strong democratic culture, South Africa has experienced the opposite of such presidential power mongering. Two presidents were recalled by their political party the ANC, albeit for different reasons. Thabo Mbeki readily <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2008-09-21-mbeki-resigns-before-the-nation">accepted his fate</a> when he was told to pack up and go, although he was not accused of any specific wrong doing. Jacob Zuma remained defiant and only stepped aside when faced with the very real prospect of a vote of <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2018-02-13-anc-want-motion-of-no-confidence-against-zuma">no-confidence</a>.
<a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/01/nana-akufo-addo-sworn-ghana-president-170107124239549.html">Ghana</a>, <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-37086365">Zambia</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/namibia-grown-up-after-a-generation-into-independence-but-not-yet-mature-74571">Namibia</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/buharis-victory-in-nigerian-election-has-global-significance-39416">Nigeria</a>, <a href="https://www.constitutionnet.org/news/presidential-elections-malawi-towards-majoritarian-501-electoral-system">Malawi</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/magufuli-has-been-president-for-two-years-how-hes-changing-tanzania-86777">Tanzania</a> are other African states where regular transfer of power has occurred.
African voters are not blameless. They habitually relax their vigilance on leaders and fail to hold them to account after elections. This, coupled with winner-take-all election systems, renders some African countries vulnerable to autocratic, despotic and non-accountable leaders who would rather die in office than leave.
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/94196/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />What, then, is the solution? It may be time for ordinary voters across the continent to begin to collaborate through non-governmental organisations and other cross-border institutional mechanisms to share experiences and begin to enforce durable continental democracy. Africa needs democracy from below.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kealeboga-j-maphunye-171061">Kealeboga J Maphunye</a>, Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of South Africa (UNISA), <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-south-africa-1951">University of South Africa</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/weaning-african-leaders-off-addiction-to-power-is-an-ongoing-struggle-94196">original article</a>.

Why it’s impossible to wean African leaders off their addiction to power

By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/nadine-ansorg-301061">Nadine Ansorg</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-kent-1248">University of Kent</a>
<a href="http://www.dw.com/en/humanitarian-crisis-deepens-in-dr-congo-as-president-kabila-clings-to-power/a-43126071">After many months of upheaval</a>, the Democratic Republic of Congo is set for yet another year of political struggle and internal conflict. Current President Joseph Kabila remains the main cause of the unrest. He reached the <a href="http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20161222-fin-mandat-kabila-contestation-essouffle-rdc-cenco-afrique-sud">end of his final term in December 2016</a> yet refuses to step down. His government continues to find <a href="http://www.france24.com/en/20180126-jump-void-dr-congo-president-kabila-delayed-elections">reasons to delay elections</a> which ought to have been held shortly after the conclusion of Kabila’s term.
The latest election date has been set for <a href="https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-congo-politics/congo-sets-presidential-election-for-december-2018-idUKKBN1D50YC">December 2018</a>, although it is doubtful that the government will hold the poll. It has already pointed to apparent <a href="https://www.hrw.org/blog-feed/democratic-republic-congo-crisis">logistical and financial obstacles</a> to a December election. This has become an ongoing excuse to keep Kabila in power.
Meanwhile, DRC citizens are increasingly unsatisfied with the government. They have <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/01/drc-protesters-killed-anti-kabila-protests-180121105558348.html">repeatedly taken to the streets</a> of the capital city Kinshasa to call for elections and Kabila’s resignation. Security forces continue to <a href="http://www.france24.com/fr/20171231-rdc-congo-messe-kinshasa-tir-gaz-lacrymogene-marche-interdite-kabila-opposition">quell those protests</a> and crack down on political activists. State operatives have on several occasions <a href="https://qz.com/1187727/the-dr-congo-is-using-a-decades-old-law-to-shut-down-the-internet/">shut down the internet</a>.
<h2>How to end the crisis</h2>
There’s also continuing <a href="https://www.irinnews.org/in-depth/crumbling-congo-making-humanitarian-emergency">violence</a> in other parts of the country including North Kivu and Kasai. The people here have suffered tremendously, sometimes at the hands of their own <a href="https://afrique.lalibre.be/12455/rdc-massacres-au-kasai-crimes-contre-lhumanite-pour-un-chaos-organise/">government forces</a>.
The United Nations peacekeeping force, which is currently the <a href="https://theglobalobservatory.org/2017/07/monusco-drc-peacekeeping-budget-cuts/">largest in the world</a>, has been unable to stabilise the country. As a result, more than 4.5 million people have been internally displaced and more than 3 million are <a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/democratic-republic-of-congo-un-united-nations-world-food-programme-starvation-joseph-kabila-a8025976.html">at risk of starvation</a>.
Because the situation is so dire, the only way out might be another attempt at mediation. The highly influential Catholic Church of the DRC (Conférence Episcopale Nationale du Congo) <a href="https://www.infocatho.fr/tag/cenco/">attempted to mediate a deal</a> between Kabila and the opposition in 2016. It withdrew from its role as mediator in March 2017 after talks stalled. The church was pushing for what it called the <a href="https://africa.la-croix.com/rd-congo-laccord-de-saint-sylvestre/">Saint Sylvestre Political Agreement</a>. If this had been implemented the DRC would have held would have held elections before the end of 2017.
But the agreement could still form the basis of a more <a href="http://www.gmu.edu/programs/icar/ijps/vol8_1/Bercovitch.html">effective mediation strategy</a> to go hand in hand with increased political and economic pressure. Indeed, African leaders have steadily <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/02/26/botswana-tells-dr-congo-s-kabila-to-step-down//">increased their pressure on Kabila</a> to step down. As a consequence the prospects for elections have improved slightly. What is needed now is more concerted action and a renewed regional and international engagement to push for the end of Kabila’s political oppression, and for elections to be held.
This push should be coordinated by the African Union and the South African Development Community so that any future interventions would be homegrown. This approach would likely appease Kabila, who has been known to accuse the United Nations of <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-39503929">foreign interference</a>.
These diplomatic and political efforts should be accompanied by increased political and economic sanctions from the European Union, the United States and the United Nations. Top Congolese officials, including Kabila’s family, are already subject to <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/06/01/dr-congo-eu-us-sanction-top-officials">a number of sanctions</a>. But they remain the main beneficiaries of Congo’s vast mineral wealth.
Through a complex web of companies, Kabila and his cronies have managed to sidestep sanctions that target them individually. I would argue, then, that sanctions against those companies and their industries would send a much stronger message to the government.
When it comes to the election, the government needs to be open about the amount of funding that is needed for the electoral process. If further funding is required, international donors may have to step up their fundraising efforts.
And as the country heads towards a poll, attention should also be drawn to the DRC’s lively civil society and its potential to mobilise ordinary citizens. Grassroots initiatives can reflect the will of the people far better than the political elites in Kinshasa. Civil society organisations must also be involved in the preparation process for the elections as a means to check the political excesses of the Kabila regime.
<h2>Action for the sake of the people</h2>
The DRC’s troubles have largely been caused by the political class: on one hand a president who refuses to relinquish power, and on the other a divided opposition that has been unable to challenge the government. <a href="https://www.ceni.cd/partis_et_regroupements_politiques">With more than 400 political parties registered in the country</a>, the political landscape is highly fractured.
The political class continues to haggle over power at the expense of the Congolese people. It is well known that for the elite, the DRC’s vast mineral resources are more valuable than its citizens. Those resources are at the centre of the battle for political leadership. While the Kabila family, its cronies and a handful of multinational corporations benefit from the country’s natural wealth, millions of people go to bed hungry every night.<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/94585/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />Kabila <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jul/20/drc-vast-business-network-of-president-who-wont-step-down-revealed">controls the country’s resources</a> and many suspect that the prospect of losing control over these industries might be the real reason for the delay in stepping down.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/nadine-ansorg-301061">Nadine Ansorg</a>, Lecturer in International Conflict Analysis, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-kent-1248">University of Kent</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-drc-is-still-in-crisis-but-there-is-a-way-out-94585">original article</a>.

The DRC is still in crisis but there’s a way out

By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cobus-van-staden-427271">Cobus van Staden</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/south-african-institute-of-international-affairs-1795">South African Institute of International Affairs</a>
China’s decision to <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-03-11/china-ties-future-to-xi-as-congress-scraps-president-term-limits">suspend presidential term limits</a> is still reverberating around the world. The announcement, made after a vote by China’s parliament in March, prompted some commentators to draw comparisons with “<a href="https://www.cfr.org/blog/axing-term-limits-china-boon-africas-would-be-despots">third termism</a>” in Africa, when leaders flout democratic conventions to stay in power as long as possible.
These concerns certainly resonate on a continent where leaders like Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo, or Yoweri Museveni of Uganda are clinging to power. But there is also a wider question that must be asked: what does an extended tenure for Chinese incumbent Xi Jinping mean for Africa beyond the constitutional issue of term limits?
For the foreseeable future, Africa’s engagement with China will be shaped by Xi’s vision. This makes it important to unpack exactly what that vision is. That’s why the South African Institute of International Affairs – where I work and conduct research on China and Africa – has just published <a href="http://www.saiia.org.za/policy-briefings/china-era-xi-jinping-thought">a policy paper</a> identifying five key trends for Africa.
We did this by drawing on Xi’s own writings and public comments. The trends will open certain opportunities for Africa in its relationship with China, and close down others. It is important for the continent to take note of these trends because Xi’s extended tenure will arguably deepen their impact over the next decade.
<h2>1. Communist Party centrality</h2>
Dealing with China means dealing with the Communist Party of China (CPC). Xi rose to power by strengthening his control of the party and its control of the country. Throughout his writings he has emphasised that the CPC is key to Chinese decision-making from the local to the international level.
Part of the CPC’s strategy is to influence young Africans through education and training. To this end, thousands of African government officials, journalists and students receive training in China annually. In 2016, Beijing <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2016/07/05/political-party-training-chinas-ideological-push-in-africa">increased the number of scholarships</a> for African junior politicians from 200 to 1000 per year.
More African students now study in China than in the <a href="https://qz.com/1017926/china-has-overtaken-the-us-and-uk-as-the-top-destination-for-anglophone-african-students/">US and the UK combined</a>. Xi routinely insists on the centrality of party doctrine in all university teaching. Since 2013 he has called for <a href="http://www.chinafile.com/document-9-chinafile-translation">the exclusion of so-called western ideas</a> from university curricula. Education and training shapes one’s worldview. As these African students return home, then, Communist Party doctrine will increasingly inform conversations on the continent.
<h2>2. The Belt and Road Initiative</h2>
President Xi’s long-term rule also ensures the future of the <a href="https://theconversation.com/where-africa-fits-into-chinas-massive-belt-and-road-initiative-78016">Belt and Road Initiative</a>. It is his signature foreign policy and investment initiative; a massive infrastructure project linking China overland to Europe via rail through Central Asia, and through sea routes to the Mediterranean and Europe via East Africa. It is already <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201803050166.html">funnelling large amounts of funding</a> to infrastructure projects in countries like Tanzania and Ethiopia.
Now that Xi has tightened his grip on power this initiative – which has been <a href="http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2017-10/24/c_136702025.htm">enshrined</a> in the CPC constitution – is here to stay.
This opens significant opportunities for African development. However, infrastructure doesn’t come for free: African countries should take a hard look at how the initiative will affect the continent’s debt sustainability and local priorities.
<h2>3. UN reform</h2>
China has been <a href="http://www.china.org.cn/english/international/131439.htm">a long-term supporter of reforming</a> the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to allow wider representation from the global south. Beijing has not forgotten that it gained its own UNSC seat partly through African countries’ votes. In his address at the 19th Party Congress, <a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/download/Xi_Jinping's_report_at_19th_CPC_National_Congress.pdf">Xi voiced support for</a> “the efforts of other developing countries to increase their representation”.
In theory, this could initiate a discussion about Security Council reform. There is little further indication that China is actively campaigning for it, but it is an area to watch.
<h2>4. Global military role</h2>
President Xi has repeatedly called for China’s military hardware, and the Chinese army’s combat-readiness <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jan/04/xi-jinping-tells-army-not-to-fear-death-in-show-of-chinas-military-might">to be boosted</a>. His extended term raises the possibility that the People’s Liberation Army will pursue a more prominent global role.
<a href="http://www.straitstimes.com/asia/east-asia/china-raises-2018-defence-spending-by-81-per-cent">Military budgets for 2018</a> have been raised by 8.1%, a three-year high. While China is still far behind the United States in total military spending, it is catching up.
This expansion directly affects Africa. China’s first overseas military base recently became operational in Djibouti, despite <a href="https://qz.com/1226148/rex-tillerson-in-africa-chinas-increasing-footprint-in-djibouti-worries-us-camp-lemonnier/">complaints from the United States</a>, whose Camp Lemonnier is mere kilometres away. <a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/201702160232.html">Djibouti also hosts</a> French, Japanese, Spanish, Italian, and German bases, and a Saudi base is under construction.
China has become <a href="http://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy-defence/article/2120754/chinese-troops-two-day-drill-prepare-peacekeeping">more involved in UN peacekeeping in Africa</a>. Its troops serve in South Sudan, Mali and Liberia, as well as in anti-piracy initiatives off Somalia. While these missions have contributed to African security, they also help to strengthen China’s profile as a global leader and to give Chinese troops valuable real-world combat training. This raises questions for Africa about an increasing Chinese military presence on the continent.
<h2>5. Internet governance</h2>
Xi’s first term has seen a significant tightening of China’s own internet regulations. The US NGO Freedom House now lists China’s internet as the <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2018/china">world’s most constrained</a>. Xi has called for further controls and for enhanced “internet sovereignty”: this shuns global internet governance conventions in favour of control by national governments.
There is little evidence that China is interested in exporting its internet governance to other countries. But some fear that <a href="http://www.saiia.org.za/occasional-papers/1292-balancing-cyber-security-and-internet-freedom-in-africa/file">repressive African governments will</a> seize on the theme of internet sovereignty to crack down on internal dissent.
<h2>Planning ahead</h2>
China is Africa’s top trade partner and a key foreign investor. Africa needs more local experts fluent in Mandarin, who can provide insights into the inner workings of this rising superpower.<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/94602/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />Barring unexpected upheavals, Xi Jinping is set to govern for a long time. Africa had better plan accordingly.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cobus-van-staden-427271">Cobus van Staden</a>, Senior Researcher: China Africa, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/south-african-institute-of-international-affairs-1795">South African Institute of International Affairs</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-chinas-president-xis-extended-tenure-means-for-africa-94602">original article</a>.

What China’s President Xi’s extended tenure means for Africa

A humanitarian crisis in central Democratic Republic of Congo is easing, Prime Minister Bruno Tshibala told Reuters on Thursday, after confirming an election to replace President Joseph Kabila remains on course for late December.
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The Kasai region is Congo’s biggest security challenge and has been the scene of a growing humanitarian disaster. But the situation there “seems to be improving”, Tshibala said in an interview conducted in London on Thursday.
U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres said in a report on Wednesday that 13.1 million Congolese need humanitarian assistance, twice as many as last year, and that 7.7 million face severe food insecurity, up 30 percent from a year ago.
“The situation is under control,” said Tshibala. Asked about reports of aid workers killed in the country, he said: “We ensure security through our armed forces and police. Humanitarian workers are welcome and are protected.”
Over the last two years, DRC security forces have killed dozens of civilians protesting about election delays. At least two were killed in a crackdown late last month in Kinshasa.
Worsening militia violence has meanwhile raised fears Congo is sliding back towards the civil wars of the turn of the century that killed millions. But Tshibala shrugged off militia groups active throughout the country as lacking political aims.
Much of the unrest stems from Kabila’s extended stay in office. His presidential mandate expired at the end of 2016 but has so far refused to step down.
Tshibala said an election — repeatedly stalled — to replace Kabila is on course for December.
“I committed in front of our country’s representatives in May last year to my mission, which was to bring the Congolese people to elections this year, and I confirm that in December this year the Congolese people will be brought to the ballot boxes,” Tshibala said.
“There were setbacks which caused this delay. But this time our course is set for elections and they will take place on Dec. 23.”
A former leading member of Congo’s main opposition coalition, Tshibala was appointed by Kabila just under a year ago to head a transitional ‘unity’ government tasked with organizing the election.
Asked about technical problems experienced by voting machines during recent testing in the capital Kinshasa, he said: “Machines are a great revolution” that would help the election to run smoothly and in record time.
“We have taken all the precautions with the electoral commission for it to go well. It’s true that it’s a vast country &#8230; but that’s exactly why the voting machines will help improve the process.”
Opponents of Kabila, who has ruled Congo since his father Laurent’s assassination in 2001, suspect he intends to repeatedly delay elections until he can organize a referendum to let himself stand for a third term, as his counterparts in neighboring Congo Republic and Rwanda have done.
Kabila denies those charges, saying the election delays are due to challenges registering millions of voters and budgetary constraints.
<h3>NO CHANGE TO NEW MINING CODE</h3>
Congo, which is nearly the same size as western Europe, has plentiful resources and is implementing new mining laws to increase the revenues it gets from miners active in the country.
It is Africa’s largest copper producer and the source of more than half the world’s cobalt, a vital ingredient in mobile phone and electric vehicle batteries. Its output of cobalt jumped 15.5 percent last year.
The new laws are fiercely opposed by international mining conglomerates, which are concerned Congo will raise taxes and royalties and remove a stability clause in the current law protecting miners from fiscal changes for 10 years.
Kabila held a nearly six hour long meeting with miners on Wednesday to discuss the laws.
But on Thursday Tshibala told Reuters the new code will be signed into law without changes.
He was unable to specify how much extra revenue the changes would generate and said the economic situation remains difficult. The central bank currently predicts inflation will be 38 percent by the end of 2018.
“We are making an internal effort to improve tax collection and government receipts,” said Tshibala.
“If we find ourselves in a difficult situation we won’t hesitate to speak to the international financial institutions to provide a supplement in order to improve our functioning as a state.”
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Reporting by Helen Reid and Marc Jones; Additional Reporting by Aaron Ross; Editing by Catherine Evans
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Congo election remains on track for December, says Prime Minister

Switzerland imposed sanctions including asset freezes and travel bans on 14 allies of Democratic Republic of Congo’s President Joseph Kabila on Wednesday amid a worsening political crisis linked to his refusal to step down.
<div id="attachment_298824" style="width: 860px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-298824" class="wp-image-298824 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Kabila_GettyImages-800731456.png" alt="" width="850" height="538" />President of the Democratic Republic of Congo Joseph Kabila smiles as he delivers his remarks during a meeting with South African President Jacob Zuma at Sefako Makgatho Presidential Guest House in Pretoria on June 25, 2017. Image: Getty Images</div>
Congolese security forces have killed dozens of protesters in violent crackdowns on a series of demonstrations organised in opposition to Kabila’s decision to remain in power despite the end of his elected mandate in December 2016.
Switzerland has long held a reputation as a favoured international destination for stashing ill-gotten wealth, owing to its banking privacy laws. But in recent years, in the face of international pressure, it has sought to demonstrate greater transparency, including increased cooperation with other nations’ tax authorites.
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The sanctions list published by the Swiss State Secretariat for Economic Affairs largely mirrors one already enforced by the European Union. The United States has also imposed sanctions on senior Congolese officials over the past two years.
Regime figures targeted by the Swiss measure include former interior ministers Emmanuel Ramazani Shadari and Evariste Boshab, ex-national police commissioner John Numbi and Kalev Mutond, the head of the National Intelligence Agency.
Information Minister Lambert Mende, who serves as Congo’s government spokesman and is also on the sanctions list, was not immediately available to comment on the Swiss announcement.
In power since 2001, Kabila struck a deal in December 2016 with the main opposition bloc to stay on after his mandate expired on the condition elections were held by the end of 2017.
Government authorities missed that deadline and the vote is now scheduled for this December. However, election officials have hinted that polls may not even be possible then because of financial and logistical constraints.
As the political crisis has dragged on Congo has experienced a spike in violence by armed groups, particularly in the restive east, which many fear could plunge the country back into the kind of conflict in which millions died at the turn of the century.
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Reporting by Aaron Ross; Writing by Joe Bavier; Editing by David Goodman
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Switzerland imposes sanctions on allies of Congo’s Kabila

Mohamed M Diatta | Sciences Po – USPC
The winds of change may blow in several directions across Africa this year as a host of countries prepare for elections. But a change in power isn’t always synonymous with change in governance. In Africa, very often, a new face in power doesn’t signal change of the system of governance.
<div id="attachment_298824" style="width: 860px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-298824" class="wp-image-298824 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Kabila_GettyImages-800731456.png" alt="" width="850" height="538" />President of the Democratic Republic of Congo Joseph Kabila smiles as he delivers his remarks during a meeting with South African President Jacob Zuma at Sefako Makgatho Presidential Guest House in Pretoria on June 25, 2017. Image: Getty Images</div>
The continent is set for a busy 2018 electoral year. In the past presidential, legislative, or local elections, or a combination, have had a destabilising if not devastating effect due to pre and post-election transparency issues and accompanying protests, violence and political instability. But when conducted well, elections have also brought hope for a better future. Ghana and Benin are good examples.
The year ahead won’t be any different. On the one hand the expected end of Joseph Kabila’s tenure in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) might bring momentous change to the country. On the other it’s more difficult to foresee better days for South Sudan. Others might also depart before elections.
<h2>Early departures?</h2>
All eyes are on Pretoria where the ruling African National Congress has asked President Jacob Zuma to resign following the election of Cyril Ramaphosa as ANC president and South Africa’s next president. As of February 13 he was showing no signs of doing so.
And seven years after the Jasmine Revolution that ousted the regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Tunisians are back on the streets. The wave that took away Ben Ali now threatens to sweep the government of Beji Caid Essebsi.
<h2>Presidential seats at stake</h2>
The DRC has added more instability to its already complex situation. The country has been embroiled in a political and institutional crisis since Joseph Kabila extended his term in office, after failing to amend the constitution to remove the disposition preventing him from running for a third term. He has twice postponed presidential elections, despite signing the December 2016 agreement whose main clause was to have presidential and legislative elections held by December 2017.
Kabila’s failure to hold elections by the December 2017 deadline has led to mounting national protests, which the regime has crushed. Increasing national and international pressure might see Kabila out in 2018 unless he amends the constitution.
In Cameroon, Paul Biya, 85, in power since 1982, should be up for reelection in October. Although there is no indication that he will relinquish power, he has faced dissensions and separatist claims from so-called anglophone Cameroon and is believed to have ill-health. The current lack of succession plans if Biya does not run, leaves room for speculation and uncertainty.
In Madagascar, concern reigns in the run-up to the presidential election at the end of this year, which should see incumbent Hery Rajaonarimampianina face up his two predecessors Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina. The island, with a tumultuous history, has been prey to institutional instability since 2001. There are fears this will happen again.
Three countries, South Sudan, Libya and Mali, plagued by instability for some years, are expected to hold presidential elections this year. Strong uncertainties prevail in South Sudan and Libya where negotiations for peaceful settlements have yielded little tangible results. In Mali the government doesn’t control large parts of its territory and is not immune to terrorist attacks.
No surprise will come from Cairo where, Abdel Fattah Al Sisi, will certainly be reelected president of a country he now controls unchallenged.
<h2>Longevity and power sharing dilemmas</h2>
In West Africa, Togolese Faure Gnassingbé appears as a poor student in the field of democracy. He came to power in 2005 in a quasi-dynastic political ‘transition’, replacing his father, General Gnassingbe Eyadema, who had been in power for 38 years. Reelected in 2015, he has, since August 2017, faced massive and sustained popular protests demanding institutional reforms and the end of his family’s 50-year rule.
The Economic Community of West African States is trying, through negotiations, to restore calm. An uneasy situation is emerging given that Faure is the current chairman of the organization until June 2018. But if he completely loses the support of his peers, he might be on his way out. Legislative elections are scheduled to take place by July.
Like Togo, Gabon experienced a similar ‘transition’ from father Omar Bongo, who died in power in 2009 after 42 years of rule, to his son Ali Bongo, who replaced him that year. Once a haven of peace in an unstable Central African region, Gabon has tumbled into a serious crisis since the highly contested presidential election in 2016 which was marred by widespread fraud and deadly repression. Jean Ping, leader of the opposition and former chairperson of the African Union Commission, continues to claim victory.
The hardening of the Libreville regime has recently resulted in a constitutional amendment that the opposition characterises as a ‘monarchisation’ of power. Legislative elections planned this year will certainly be a turning point for the country.
In Guinea Bissau, the power of José Mario Vaz is in troubled waters, with the appointment of a seventh prime minister since 2014. The opposition has decried the president for overstepping his constitutional prerogatives by monopolising power, in violation of the Conakry agreement signed in 2016, under the aegis of the regional west African body.
Vaz runs the risk of sanctions, in which case he would definitively lose the support of the organisation and the protection of the regional troop deployment. This would precipitate his departure and could plunge the country into chaos, in a state that has mostly known military coups and instability. Legislative elections are expected to take place this year.
In Chad, the crisis that has affected resource-dependent countries has plagued the economy. This is coupled with Idris Deby’s stronghold on power and his repressive methods. Despite facing civil unrest, he is unlikely to be shaken even though the country is expected to hold legislative elections this year.
<h2>Ghana setting the pace</h2>
Over the past 20 years, since the John Kofi Agyekum Kufuor presidency, Ghana has epitomised democracy south of the Sahara (aside from South Africa). Its institutional stability and peaceful transitions of power are commendable.
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91690/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />What the continent needs most are strong institutions, which will only come about with a regeneration of its leadership as well as its political class. This renewal must be rooted in a paradigm shift as embodied with determination, class and panache by Ghanaian president Nana Akufo Addo.
This article was originally published on The Conversation.

With a busy election schedule, Africa needs a reversal of the old order

Reuben Loffman |Queen Mary University of London
For the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) 2017 was a disaster. Presidential and legislative elections were delayed, the violence in Kasai intensified, a long-standing opposition leader died and violence in eastern Congo continued.
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To be sure, 2016 was hardly better. As the slated presidential and legislative elections deadline expired on 27 November 2016, Joseph Kabila remained in office. And the incumbent was still in power when his constitutional term ended on 19 December 2016.
On 31 December 2016, the Catholic Church thought that it had reached a deal with Kabila that would deny him a third term.
As the early weeks of 2017 wore on, however, that deal looked like yet another false dawn for the DRC. And as the year draws to an end there seems to be little hope of a resolution to the major crises that have intensified over the past 12 months. The violence in Kasai is escalating and the conflict in south eastern Congo looks set to continue.
DRC is the largest country in sub-Saharan Africa. It is 2.3 million square kilometres and has a population of nearly 77 million. The country has extraordinary wealth in the form of minerals such as gold ore and copper. However, the proceeds from the sale of these minerals are siphoned off and stolen before they ever reach the population.
Kabila’s insistence on remaining president of the DRC throughout 2017 only compounded these dynamics. While there was some hope in 2016 that he would step aside, 2017 proved that removing him will be a very protracted process.
Since a new constitution was promulgated in 2006 it’s been hard to imagine a worse year for the country than the present one. Only 2012 might have been worse thanks to the M23 rebel movement which briefly took the city of Goma. But the violence in Kasai is threatening to overshadow even that disaster.
The big story as 2017 got going was not the rapidly collapsing church led deal, and the intensified conflict that came as a result, but rather the death of long-standing opposition figure Étienne Tshisekedi in February.
<h2>Death of an icon</h2>
Tshisekedi’s death dealt a blow to the talks between Kabila and the various opposition groups. His death robbed the DRC opposition of a figure who could mobilise popular support as well as cut political deals in Kinshasa.
Worse still, more than nine months since his death he is yet to be buried. Kabila’s government fears that if Tshisekedi’s body is flown back to the DRC it will become the trigger for opposition protests.
Kabila’s fears could prove well founded. It is not hard to imagine the interring of Tshisekedi’s body acting as a lightning rod for the huge social and political tensions in the country. Kabila’s refusal to leave office this year has meant that a range of protests have sprung up across the country. In August, for example, the “dead city” movements ensured that significant parts of the country’s urban population went on strike.
Étienne Tshisekedi’s son, Felix, took over much of the daily running of the party that his father had led for decades when he became the deputy secretary general of the Union for Democracy and Social Progress. But he lacks his father’s experience and gravitas.
<h2>Violence in Kasai</h2>
As political deadlock between the president and the opposition ensued, the humanitarian crisis in Kasaï intensified. Some reports have suggested that more than 3,000 people have been killed since the start of 2017. More than 33,000 Kasai residents have fled into Angola.
The violence in Kasaï was perhaps 2017’s biggest news story. There were reports that it got so bad that little children were being hacked to pieces with machetes.
It is widely believed that the Bana Mura &#8211; a government sponsored militia &#8211; perpetuated this violence. The government fears that if left unchecked a rebel movement in Kasai could seriously undermine its sovereignty in the province.
But local rebels known as the Kamwina Nsapu (‘black ant’ in English), also played a big part in the violence. The Kamwina Nsapu militia were suspected of decapitating 40 police officers in March.
The UN has accused the DRC army of digging mass graves for those they have killed. It has attempted to investigate the atrocities in Kasaï but the investigations have been marred by tragedy.
On 12 March, Michael Sharp, Zaida Catalan and their translator Betu Tshintela were abducted by rebels and later found in a shallow grave. A UN inquiry found that the two investigators were probably killed by members of a local Kasaïan militia.
<h2>More unrest</h2>
In addition to the violence in Kasaï, the south and northeastern parts of the DRC also witnessed deadly conflict during the course of this year. There was major fighting between its Twa and Bantu populations in Tanganyika province. And as the year entered its last quarter, Uvira, on the outskirts of Lake Tanganyika, was the site of a battle between the rebel Yakutumba militia and government forces.
While the Yakutumba militia failed to take Uvira, it was a reminder of the level of discontent building in the east where conflict has been a feature of everyday life since the end of the Second Congo War in 2003. The patchwork of rebels operating in the east has been fragmented but remains heavily networked. Violence could potentially spread to Kivu and beyond.
Some of the rebels have suggested that their ultimate ambition is to march on Kinshasa. But given the small numbers of their forces this might be a long way off.
<h2>Happy New Year</h2>
With such a litany of misery in Congo, one could be forgiven for thinking there is no hope. But on 5 November, the Congolese government finally announced its intention to hold presidential and legislative elections in December 2018.
Many Congolese feel that this date is too far off. As a result, on 15 November there were protests in cities across the country to pressure the government to hurry the elections along.
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/88170/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />But the announcement of a date is an indicator that elections will eventually take place. The country risks slipping into civil war if they don’t.
This article was originally published on The Conversation.

2017: the year the Democratic Republic of Congo would like to forget

HARARE (Reuters) &#8211; President Robert Mugabe was dismissed as leader of Zimbabwe’s ruling ZANU-PF party on Sunday in a move to force a peaceful end to his 37 years in power following a de facto military coup.
He was replaced by Emmerson Mnangagwa, the deputy he sacked this month, sources at a special ZANU-PF meeting to decide Mugabe’s fate told Reuters.
“He has been expelled,” one of the delegates said. “Mnangagwa is our new leader.”
Mugabe’s wife Grace, who had harboured ambitions of succeeding Mugabe, was also expelled from the party.
READ: <a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/political/2017/11/18/mugabe-wont-step-grace-wont-step-says-cabinet-minister-nephew/">Mugabe Won’t Step Down – Grace Won’t Step Up – Says Cabinet Minister And Nephew</a>
Speaking before the meeting, war veterans’ leader Chris Mutsvangwa said the 93-year-old Mugabe was running out of time to negotiate his departure and should leave the country while he could.
“He’s trying to bargain for a dignified exit,” he said.
Mutsvangwa followed up with threat to call for street protests if Mugabe refused to go, telling reporters: “We will bring back the crowds and they will do their business.”
Mnangagwa, a former state security chief known as “The Crocodile,” is now in line to head an interim post-Mugabe unity government that will focus on rebuilding ties with the outside world and stabilising an economy in freefall.
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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Zimbabwe?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Zimbabwe</a>’s President <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Mugabe?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Mugabe</a> now has the following options, which do you think is most likely?
— CNBC Africa (@cnbcafrica) <a href="https://twitter.com/cnbcafrica/status/932231621734010880?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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On Saturday, hundreds of thousands of people flooded the streets of Harare, singing, dancing and hugging soldiers in an outpouring of elation at Mugabe’s expected overthrow.
VIEW: <a href="http://cnbc.africa/trending/forbes-africa/2017/11/18/history-making-scenes-zimbabwes-anti-mugabe-protest/">History In The Making: Scenes From #Zimbabwe’s Anti-Mugabe Protest</a>
His stunning downfall in just four days is likely to send shockwaves across Africa, where a number of entrenched strongmen, from Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni to Democratic Republic of Congo’s Joseph Kabila, are facing mounting pressure to quit.
SUPPORT EVAPORATING
Men, women and children ran alongside the armoured cars and troops who stepped in this week to oust the man who has ruled since independence from Britain in 1980.
Under house arrest in his lavish ‘Blue Roof’ compound, Mugabe has refused to stand down even as he has watched his support from party, security services and people evaporate in less than three days.
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Mugabe to resign by noon tomorrow else impeachment proceedings begin <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ZanuPF?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#ZanuPF</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Zimbabwe?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Zimbabwe</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/cnbcafrica?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@cnbcafrica</a> <a href="https://t.co/pgvCc8qE7V">https://t.co/pgvCc8qE7V</a>
— Ancillar Mangena (@ancillarmangena) <a href="https://twitter.com/ancillarmangena/status/932248111396859904?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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His nephew, Patrick Zhuwao, told Reuters Mugabe and his wife were “ready to die for what is correct” rather than step down in order to legitimise what he described as a coup.
But on Harare’s streets, few seemed to care about the legal niceties as they heralded a “second liberation” for the former British colony and spoke of their dreams for political and economic change after two decades of deepening repression and hardship.
“These are tears of joy,” said Frank Mutsindikwa, 34, holding aloft the Zimbabwean flag. “I’ve been waiting all my life for this day. Free at last. We are free at last.”
The huge crowds in Harare have given a quasi-democratic veneer to the army’s intervention, backing its assertion that it is merely effecting a constitutional transfer of power, rather than a plain coup, which would entail a diplomatic backlash.
Despite the euphoria, some Mugabe opponents are uneasy about the prominent role played by the military, and fear Zimbabwe might be swapping one army-backed autocrat with another, rather than allowing the people to choose their next leader.
“The real danger of the current situation is that having got their new preferred candidate into State House, the military will want to keep him or her there, no matter what the electorate wills,” former education minister David Coltart said.
The United States, a long-time Mugabe critic, said it was looking forward to a new era in Zimbabwe, while President Ian Khama of neighbouring Botswana said Mugabe had no diplomatic support in the region and should resign at once.
Writing by Ed Cropley; Editing by Angus MacSwan
http://cnbc.africa/news/southern-africa/2017/11/15/fact-box-key-figures-zimbabwe-first-lady-grace-mugabes-g40/

Zimbabwe’s ‘second liberation’ looms as President Mugabe expelled from Zanu-PF, given ultimatum

Congo’s electoral commission announced on Sunday that long-awaited presidential elections to replace President Joseph Kabila would take place on December 23, 2018.
<div id="attachment_41934" style="width: 860px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-41934" class="wp-image-41934 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/president_joseph_kabila_-_flickr.jpg" alt="Congo's president shows would-be successor who is in charge" width="850" height="567" />Democratic Republic of Congo President, Joseph Kabila </div>
Around 43 million voters have been registered for the vote so far, Corneille Nangaa told a news conference in Democratic Republic of Congo’s capital, Kinshasa.
The election will be held on December 23, 2018, with the results to be published on January 9, 2019, and the president to be sworn in on January 13, another official from the Independent Electoral Commission (CENI), Jean Pierre Kalamba, told the same news conference.
The election, originally scheduled for late 2016, has been repeatedly delayed.
Those delays have triggered unrest and raised fears the central African nation could slip back into the conflicts that killed millions around the turn of the century, mostly from hunger and disease.
The electoral commission had said last month that the presidential vote could not take place until April 2019 at the earliest, and the opposition had warned that the population would “take matters into its own hands”.
Opposition leaders reacted furiously to the new date.
“The predatory regime wants to prolong the instability and misery of the people. We do not accept this fantasy calendar,” exiled opposition leader Moise Katumbi tweeted.
Civil society activist organisation Lucha on Twitter also condemned the announcement.
Dozens died in protests against Kabila’s refusal to step down at the end of his constitutional mandate last December.
U.S. envoy Nikki Haley said during a visit to meet with Kabila last month that the vote must happen in 2018 or it will lose international support.
With no imminent election in sight, a political crisis has set in that is fuelling increasing militia violence and lawlessness in Congo’s east and centre.
Clashes between Congolese troops and supporters of a renegade colonel in Congo’s eastern city of Bukavu killed seven people on Sunday before he surrendered and turned himself in to U.N. peacekeepers. [nL5N1NB0CH]
Kabila has ruled Congo since his father was assassinated in 2001. He says delays are owing to problems registering millions of voters across the vast, forested country.
Opponents say he is using them to eventually remove term limits that prevent him from standing again, as presidents in neighbouring Rwanda and Congo Republic have done. He denies that, but has not categorically said he will step aside.
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Reporting by Patient Ligodi and Amedee Mwarabu; writing by Tim Cocks; editing by David Evans and Jason Neely
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DRC sets presidential election for December 2018

A long-delayed election in Democratic Republic of Congo to replace President Joseph Kabila cannot take place until at least April 2019, the electoral commission said, a schedule certain to enrage opponents who say Kabila is clinging to power.
The polls were originally scheduled for November 2016. The schedule outlined by the electoral commission would torpedo an agreement between Kabila’s representatives and his opponents that the election would take place before the end of this year.
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Dozens of people died last year in protests against Kabila’s refusal to step down at the end of his term. Parts of the country are in the hands of insurgents who say they will not stop fighting while he remains in power.
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Congo’s electoral commission said in a statement following a meeting with civil society representatives on Tuesday that it would need at least 504 days to organise the poll once voter registration is completed.
Enrolment began in parts of the country’s insurrection-ravaged Kasai region in mid-September and the commission says it will, in principle, take about three months. That means the vote could not be organised until April 2019 at the earliest.
The commission is expected to release a calendar for the presidential and other elections this month.
The opposition accuses Kabila of trying to cling to power by postponing elections until he can find a way to remove constitutional term limits that prevent him from standing for re-election, as his counterparts in neighbouring Rwanda and Congo Republic have done.
Kabila, who took power after his father Laurent Kabila was assassinated in 2001, denies he intends to remain in office, and says the election delays are due to difficulties enrolling millions of voters and mobilising hundreds of millions of dollars in financing.
Congo has never experienced a peaceful transition of power and Kabila’s refusal to step down last year has fuelled mounting insecurity across the country, where millions died in regional conflicts between 1996-2003, most from hunger and disease.
An insurrection in Kasai has killed up to 5,000 people and displaced 1.4 million more since last August, and militia violence has also spiked in the eastern borderlands, where dozens of armed groups are active.
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Reporting by Patient Ligodi and Aaron Ross; Editing by Joe Bavier and Peter Graff
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