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<p>As the world continues to find ways to produce cleaner energy, a company based in the UAE has just completed its first operational solar plant in Africa.</p>


TOGO

AMEA Power develops large scale solar plant in Togo

<p><em>Content provided by APO Group. CNBC Africa provides content from APO Group as a service to its readers and does not edit the articles it publishes. CNBC Africa is not responsible for the content provided by APO Group.</em></p>
<p>African Union Member States (55) reporting COVID-19 cases (4,812,313), deaths (130,025) and recoveries (4,351,816) by region:    Central (172,873 cases; 2,781 deaths; 159,001 recoveries): Burundi (4,650; 6; 4,198), Cameroon (77,982; 1,270; 72,926), CAR (7,085; 97; 6,665), Chad (4,927; 173; 4,742), Congo (11,658; 153; 10,591), DRC (31,386; 782; 27,654), Equatorial Guinea (8,476; 113; 8,146), Gabon (24,365; 150; 21,791), Sao Tome and Principe (2,344; 37; 2,288)    Eastern (647,406; 12,678; 536,199): Comoros (3,949; 146; 3,719), Djibouti (11,523; 153; 11,354), Eritrea (4,022; 14; 3,812), Ethiopia (270,944; 4,139; 235,850), Kenya (170,041; 3,124; 116,018), Madagascar (41,184; 828; 40,028), Mauritius (1,356; 17; 1,181), Rwanda (26,878; 352; 25,542), Seychelles (11,145; 40; 9,936), Somalia (14,647; 768; 6,717), South Sudan (10,688; 115; 10,514), Sudan (35,289; 2,600; 27,949), Tanzania** (509; 21; 178), Uganda (45,231; 361; 43,401)    Northern (1,453,109; 43,808; 1,276,107): Algeria (128,198; 3,586; 89,292), Egypt (259,540; 14,950; 190,254), Libya (184,815; 3,116; 171,279), Mauritania (19,407; 462; 18,377), Morocco (518,458; 9,135; 506,443), Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (739; 46; 691), Tunisia (341,952; 12,513; 299,771)    Southern (2,066,519; 64,531; 1,933,721): Angola (33,607; 745; 27,529), Botswana (56,313; 831; 50,494), Eswatini (18,587; 672; 17,855), Lesotho (10,825; 326; 6,434), Malawi (34,323; 1,154; 32,598), Mozambique (70,697; 835; 69,232), Namibia (54,268; 807; 50,053), South Africa (1,654,551; 56,293; 1,551,520), Zambia (94,430; 1,275; 91,443), Zimbabwe (38,918; 1,593; 36,563)    Western (472,406; 6,227; 446,788): Benin (8,058; 101; 7,893), Burkina Faso (13,424; 166; 13,248), Cabo Verde (30,122; 261; 28,163), Côte d&#39;Ivoire (47,195; 301; 46,591), Gambia (5,990; 178; 5,767), Ghana (93,775; 784; 91,853), Guinea (23,110; 161; 20,840), Guinea Bissau (3,760; 68; 3,511), Liberia (2,179; 86; 2,033), Mali (14,262; 516; 9,559), Niger (5,409; 192; 5,080), Nigeria (166,254; 2,071; 156,546), Senegal (41,296; 1,138; 39,932), Sierra Leone (4,140; 79; 3,128), Togo (13,432; 125; 12,644)Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).</p>
<p>Media files</p>
<p></p>


Coronavirus: African Union Member States reporting COVID-19 cases as of 29 May 2021, 9 am EAT

<p><em>Content provided by APO Group. CNBC Africa provides content from APO Group as a service to its readers and does not edit the articles it publishes. CNBC Africa is not responsible for the content provided by APO Group.</em></p>
<p></p>
<p>Today, climate activists marked Africa Day by staging protests at Total’s petrol stations. The protests took place in Benin, Togo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Kenya, Egypt, Ghana and Nigeria. The protests highlighted Total’s human rights violations, greenwashing strategies and climate inaction.</p>
</p>
<p>Total is involved in controversial projects across the continent, notably the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) and the Mozambique Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) project that have witnessed displacement of local communities from their ancestral land as well as several human rights abuses other issues that have been called out by activists and frontline communities.</p>
</p>
<p>Vanessa Nakate, a Ugandan activist, said:<br /> “We cannot drink oil. This is why we cannot accept the construction of the East African Crude oil pipeline. It is going to cause massive displacement of people, destruction of ecosystems and wildlife habitats. We have no future in extraction of oil because it only means destroying the livelihoods of the people and the planet. It is time to choose people above pipelines. It is time to rise up for the people and the planet.”</p>
</p>
<p>Andre Moliro, DRC activist, said:<br /> “Total’s fossil fuel developments pose grave risks to protected environments, water sources and wetlands in the Great Lakes and East Africa regions. Communities have been raising concerns on the impact of oil extraction on Lake Albert fisheries and the disastrous consequences of an oil spill in Lake Victoria, that would affect millions of people that rely on the two lakes for their livelihoods, watersheds for drinking water and food production.”</p>
</p>
<p>Landry Ninteretse of 350.org said,<br /> &#8220;At a time when the international scientific community is telling us that the world cannot absorb any new fossil fuel developments if we are to tackle the climate crisis, Total is still pushing for the construction of highly controversial pipelines such as the East African Crude Oil Pipeline and the Mozambique LNG that threaten to destroy the livelihoods of tens of thousands of people, while affecting a great portion of diverse ecosystems and adding millions of tons of carbon emissions yearly.”</p>
</p>
<p>Earlier in the year, more than 260 African and international organisations sent an open letter (https://bit.ly/3fjfi0D) to 25 banks urging them not to finance the construction of the EACOP. Total issued statements on its website describing its environmental and social risk assessment and mitigation strategies for the EACOP and Tilenga oil extraction project as “rigorous” (https://bit.ly/2SrCUr6) and claiming to act “responsibly and transparently” (https://bit.ly/3wwNCuZ) on the social and environmental issues related to the projects.</p>
<p>The #StopEACOP Alliance went ahead to issue a statement (https://bit.ly/3vonX7Q) clarifying several misleading figures presented by Total such as the number of oil wells to be drilled within Murchison Falls National Park, and the number of project-affected people for Tilenga and EACOP.</p>
<p>Total seeks to position itself as a climate leader but chooses to ignore the massive climate risks posed by going ahead with its fossil fuel projects across Africa.</p>
<p>Distributed by APO Group on behalf of 350.org.</p>
<p>For interviews and additional information contact:<br /> 350Africa.org<br /> Christine Mbithi<br /> Email: christine.mbithi@350.org<br /> Telephone: +254725906695</p>
<p>Media files</p>
<p></p>


Hundreds protest against TOTAL across Africa

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<p>Food insecurity, climate change, and the need to refinance the continent&#8217;s agriculture sector are some of the major challenges faced but where will this money come from? CNBC Africa spoke to the President of the International Fund for Agriculture Development and former prime minister of Togo, Gilbert Hougbo for more.</p>


#AGRF2020: Gilbert Hougbo on how to solve  financing challenges in Africa’s agriculture sector

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<p>Africa’s agriculture sector has remained quite resilient but despite this the continent still grapples with a $35 billion import bill, so could smart agriculture be a solution to the largely subsistence approach happening? CNBC Africa spoke to the President of the International Fund for Agriculture Development and former prime minister of Togo, Gilbert Hougbo for more.</p>


#AGRF2020: Gilbert Hougbo on smart agriculture & how to bridge the finance gap in Africa

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<p>The Togolese government is taking part in the G-20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative, which suspends payments to bilateral Paris Club creditors from the first of May till the end of the year 2020. Ratings Agency, Moody’s says Togo’s participation in the initiative offers short term liquidity relief but poses risks for the private sector. Lucie Villa, Vice President and Senior Credit Officer at Moody’s joins CNBC Africa for more.</p>


Moody’s: Togo’s participation in DSSI poses risks for private sector


<p>In the wake of the global COVID-19 crisis, the <a href="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/videos/2020/04/07/how-the-imf-is-responding-to-africa-amid-the-covid-19-crisis/">International Monetary Fund (IMF)</a> Executive Board has approved immediate debt service relief to 25 poor and vulnerable countries.</p>



<p>Nineteen African countries will receive immediate debt service relief, including Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo, D.R., The Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, Rwanda, São Tomé and Príncipe, Sierra Leone and Togo.</p>



<p>The following statement provides more details:</p>



<p><strong>April 13, 2020</strong></p>



<p><strong>Washington, DC –</strong> Ms. Kristalina Georgieva, Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) issued the following statement:</p>



<p>“Today, I am pleased to say that our Executive Board approved immediate debt service relief to 25 of the IMF’s member countries under the IMF’s revamped Catastrophe Containment and Relief Trust (CCRT) as part of the Fund’s response to help address the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.</p>



<p>“This provides grants to our poorest and most vulnerable members to cover their IMF debt obligations for an initial phase over the next six months and will help them channel more of their scarce financial resources towards vital emergency medical and other relief efforts.</p>



<p>“The CCRT can currently provide about US$500 million in grant-based debt service relief, including the recent US$185 million pledge by the U.K. and US$100 million provided by Japan as immediately available resources. Others, including China and the Netherlands, are also stepping forward with important contributions. I urge other donors to help us replenish the Trust’s resources and boost further our ability to provide additional debt service relief for a full two years to our poorest member countries.”</p>



<p>The countries that will receive debt service relief today are: Afghanistan, Benin, Burkina Faso, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo, D.R., The Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mozambique, Nepal, Niger, Rwanda, São Tomé and Príncipe, Sierra Leone, Solomon Islands, Tajikistan, Togo, and Yemen.</p>



<p>For more coverage on COVID-19 visit: <a href="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/covid-19/">https://www.cnbcafrica.com/covid-19/</a></p>


IMF approves immediate debt relief for 25 countries amid COVID-19 crisis

IMF approves immediate debt relief for 25 countries amid COVID-19 crisis. shutterstock_94083223

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Preliminary result from Togo’s Electoral Commission shows the country’s President, Faure Gnassingbe, with a strong lead of 72 per cent of the vote. Samson Itodo, Executive Director of Yiaga Africa, an organization that monitors election in Sub-Saharan Africa joins CNBC Africa for more.</p>


Togo’s Gnassingbe takes strong lead


<p>By: Hafez Ghanem and Sérgio Pimenta*</p>



<p>Togo,
a small country in West Africa known for its glimmering phosphate reserves and
sandy beaches, just earned its place among the world’s top 10 reformers on the
World Bank Group’s <em>Doing Business 2020</em>
report. </p>



<p>The
country jumped an impressive 30 places in the rankings after making it easier
to start a business, obtain construction permits, pay taxes, access credit, and
register property. These and other improvements lifted Togo to 97<sup>th</sup> place
among the 190 countries ranked globally on the ease of doing business. </p>



<p>Togo
isn’t Africa’s only standout, however. </p>



<p>Nigeria,
the continent’s largest economy and with a GDP 100 times bigger than Togo’s,
also cracked the <em>Doing Business</em> top
10 this year. Both countries – large and small – recognize that advancing policies
that make it easier for the private sector to grow and create jobs strengthens
the economy and reduces poverty. This formula may be simple, but it is one in
which we at the World Bank Group firmly believe.</p>



<p>Togo’s
impressive list of reforms included introducing an online application portal
for construction permits, saving developers time and reducing stress. Meanwhile,
Nigeria made it easier to open a business through an improved online platform,
lowered the cost of construction permits, and established a new small claims
court to deal with commercial cases. Nigeria enacted reforms in six of the ten
areas measured by the <em>Doing Business</em>
report. </p>



<p>While
Togo and Nigeria are Africa’s standouts this year, countries across the
continent — Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, and Rwanda among them—have also been
improving their investment climates to help businesses invest, expand, and create
jobs. IFC and the World Bank have supported these efforts, bringing the public
and private sectors together to agree on priorities, overcome obstacles, and
lay-out long-term reform strategies.</p>



<p>Over
the past decade, sub-Saharan Africa has become the top-reforming region
globally. An entrepreneur can now register a business in 20 days or less in 26
of sub-Saharan Africa’s 48 economies: A decade ago, this was possible in only
three countries.</p>



<p>Clearly,
Africa’s strong reform drive is cause for celebration. The sober truth,
however, is that the world’s most difficult places for businesses are still
largely found in Africa. Only two sub-Saharan
African countries rank in the top 50 on the ease of doing business, while many
in the bottom 20 are from the region. </p>



<p>Why
is Africa lagging? Reforms in areas like taxation, and access to electricity
and credit, for example, can be time-consuming and costly for governments,
involving big investments in infrastructure and IT systems. Africa is also home
to the highest concentration of fragile states and countries recovering from
conflict, places where private sector reform can be especially difficult to
implement. Still, economies across Africa should be prepared to make the investments
to catch up with economies in Asia, Europe, and North America. </p>



<p>Africa’s
challenges, though real, are not a cause for alarm. Rather, we have seen that the
region’s commitment to reform and to grow the private sector is now generally
well entrenched. &nbsp;Governments are not only
simplifying regulations for entrepreneurs but also undertaking key policy
reforms so that they can tap into private investment for projects in
infrastructure, agriculture, and other key sectors. All of these are critical
for creating jobs for a young, dynamic, and growing workforce. </p>



<p>At
the World Bank, we are supporting countries as they implement policies and
reforms that make it easier for people, no matter their socioeconomic
background, to get good jobs. At IFC, we are working upstream with governments
to mobilize private investment into the most critical areas, especially in
infrastructure, to improve people’s lives and make doing business easier. </p>



<p>The top African
country on the 2020 <em>Doing Business</em>
list this year is Mauritius, which is ranked 13<sup>th</sup>.&nbsp; It takes about 95 days to build a warehouse
in Mauritius, compared to 213 days in France and 222 days in Austria. In
Kigali, it takes three simple steps and a total of 7 days to transfer a
property, putting Rwanda in third place on this indicator behind New Zealand
and Qatar.&nbsp; It might not be long before
others – in Africa and the rest of the world – catch up. </p>



<p><em>Hafez
Ghanem is the World Bank’s Vice President for Africa</em></p>



<p><em>Sérgio
Pimenta is IFC’s Regional Vice President for the Middle East and Africa</em></p>


Op-Ed: It’s getting easier to do business in Africa—but there’s room to do more

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<p>On the side-lines of the just concluded Togo-EU forum, CNBC Africa’s Christy Cole caught up with Yiva Badouh, Chairman of MIFA and he stressed the importance of the private sector in executing Togo’s National Development Plan.</p>


MIFA’s Yiva Badouh on strengthening Togo’s private sector

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<p>According to Kanka-Malik Natchaba, the Head of Togo&#8217;s Presidential Delivery Unit, Togo&#8217;s National Development Plan will bring economic transformation through industrialisation, value addition and social inclusion. CNBC Africa&#8217;s Christy Cole caught up with him on the side-lines of the Togo-EU Economic forum for a progress report on the National Development Plan.</p>


Togo’s plan for economic transformation

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<p>Speaking on the purpose of the National Development Plan of Togo, the country’s Prime Minister, Komi Selom Klassou says the NDP will make Togo a hub of logistical excellence and a leading business centre in the sub region. He discussed this and more with CNBC Africa’s Frederic Vandevyver.</p>


Togo aims to become a regional economic hub

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<p>According to the 2019 World Bank Doing Business index report, the Sub Saharan Africa region recorded the most reforms with Rwanda, Kenya, Togo and Cote D’Ivore indicated as the most improved economies. Manuel Moses, Country manager for International Finance Corporation, World Bank Group elaborated this further.</p>


Doing business report: Sub-Saharan African economies set new record

<figure><img decoding="async" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/219387/original/file-20180517-155564-upsa5z.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="File 20180517 155564 upsa5z.jpg?ixlib=rb 1.1" /><figcaption>Burundi’s Pierre Nkurunziza is one of many authoritarian African leaders.<br />
<span class="attribution"><span class="source">AMISOM Public Information/Flickr</span></span></figcaption></figure>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cheryl-hendricks-267661">Cheryl Hendricks</a>, <em><a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a></em> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/gabriel-ngah-kiven-482032">Gabriel Ngah Kiven</a>, <em><a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a></em></p>
<p>There is mounting concern in Africa about a lack of leadership as well as an increasing trend of hard-won democratic rights being reversed. One way this is being done is through presidential term limits being abandoned, or extended. This in turn is leading to a reemergence of authoritarian politics, and political violence.</p>
<p>Extending or abolishing term limits is not unique to the continent. Russia’s President Vladimir Putin won a fourth term <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/18/world/europe/election-russia-putin-president.html">in March 2018</a> after changes to the constitution and some nimble political footwork. And the Chinese parliament <a href="https://www.independent.ie/.../china-abolishes-presidential-term-limits-36692282.html">recently voted</a> to abolish term limits allowing for the possibility of President Xi Jinping becoming president for life. Given that Russia and China play an influential role on the African continent these events don’t bode well for the future of presidents sticking to term limits on the continent.</p>
<p>Burundi is a case in point. A poll <a href="https://theconversation.com/democracy-in-peril-burundis-referendum-will-cement-nkurunzizas-grip-on-power-96544">is being held</a> to amend the constitution to extend presidential term limits from five to seven years. Incumbency would be restricted to two consecutive terms. But the amendment doesn’t apply retroactively which means that President Pierre Nkurunziza could possibly remain in office until 2034. If he lives that long (he’s 55-years-old), and given that he assumed the position in 2005, this would make him president for 29 years.</p>
<p>Burundi is far from alone. Rwanda, Togo, Gabon, Uganda, Chad, Cameroon, Djibouti, Republic of Congo, Sudan, Eritrea, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have all fiddled with term limits. They’ve done this by abolishing, amending or ignoring them, or by simply not holding elections. Other countries such as Ethiopia, Gambia, Lesotho, and Morocco <a href="https://africacenter.org/spotlight/term-limits-for-african-leaders-linked-to-stability/">have never</a> introduced term limits.</p>
<p>Some bids to remove or extend term limits and have failed. These include Frederick Chiluba in 2001 and more recently Edgar Lungu in Zambia, Olusegun Obesanjo of Nigeria (2005), Mamadou Tandja of Niger(2009-2010) and Blaise Compaore of Burkino Faso (2014).</p>
<p>Noteworthy is the fact that many West African countries actually adhere to term limits. This was recognised recently when Ellen Johnson Sirleaf received the Mo Ibrahim <a href="http://mo.ibrahim.foundation/prize/">leadership prize</a> after duly serving her constitutionally mandated term.</p>
<p>The upward trend of amending or abolishing constitutional term limits is likely to increase if organisations like the African Union (AU) don’t deal with the problem. In many countries citizens showing their disapproval, have been met with repression and violence. Large-scale political violence is likely to be the consequence if the trend persists.</p>
<h2>A rolling back of rights</h2>
<p>Africa went through a wave of democratisation from the 1990s. Citizens took to the streets demanding democratic rights. In many countries, the uprisings ended decades of one-partyism and personal rule. The key demands were for multi-party democracy, constitutionalism and that democratic norms and standards be institutionalised.</p>
<p>It’s in this milieu that countries adopted a bill of rights, the rule of law, checks and balances and term limits. Presidential term limits were deemed necessary for a number of reasons. The view was that <a href="http://africanarguments.org/2015/10/05/how-and-why-term-limits-matter">they would enable</a> better governance, equal opportunity to serve in government, curb patronage politics as well as end authoritarianism. These norms and standards were also seen as a way to stabilise countries <a href="http://www.monitor.co.ug/SpecialReports/688342-688342-ptx9ooz/index.html">politically</a>.</p>
<p>It certainly seems that these constitutional gains are being eroded by heads of state seeking to prolong their stay in power. There also appears to be little concerted attempt by bodies such as the AU to stop the erosion of hard-fought for democratic rights.</p>
<p>The AU’s silence may be because of ambiguity in norms and policy, and because of its leadership. The AU’s Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, which was ratified in 2012, rejects unconstitutional changes of government. But it doesn’t say anything specifically about abolishing term limits. <a href="http://archive.ipu.org/idd-E/afr_charter.pdf">Article 23 (5)</a> notes that countries will have appropriate sanction imposed on them if there are:</p>
<blockquote><p>Any amendment or revision of the constitution or legal instruments, which is an infringement on the principals of democratic change of government</p></blockquote>
<p>But it doesn’t spell out what type of amendments are being referred to.</p>
<p>The second factor has to do with the fact that many holding leadership positions at the AU are the same men who have amended or abandoned term limits – or come from the countries that have done so. This suggests the organisation won’t be tackling the “third termism” trend any time soon.</p>
<h2>Spurious reasons for extending stays</h2>
<p>A number of arguments have been put forward by leaders seeking to extend, or simply abandoning, term limits.</p>
<p>One is that term limits prevent <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Mugabe-slams-two-term-limit-on-African-leaders-20150614">people’s choice</a> of president. Another is that African leaders have much more to do to bring about development and therefore need more time. A third is that they have the sovereign right to govern and change constitutions as they see fit. And finally, the strongman argument around a president’s ability to keep the country united and to create peace and stability.</p>
<p>Rwanda is a case in point. President Paul Kagame <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/08/05/rwandas-paul-kagame-landslide-poll-win-around-98-votes/">received 99%</a> of the vote in August 2017. There’s no gainsaying that there have been remarkable achievements in rebuilding a post-genocide Rwanda. But if there isn’t anybody (and this is doubtful) capable of challenging Kagame after 18 years of rule, then he hasn’t created an environment for democratic leadership to emerge.</p>
<p>We should also be wary of election results that yield 99% support as this smacks of the heyday of one-man and one-party rule.</p>
<h2>The curse of third terminism</h2>
<p>As Africans prepare to celebrate Africa Day on the 25th of May, we need to keep in mind the ideas that inspired <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/organisation-african-unity-oau">formation</a> of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963 and the <a href="https://au.int/en/history/oau-and-au">African Union</a> in 2001. These were the Pan-African ideals of political and economic integration, solidarity, unity, dignity, justice and equality for all.</p>
<p>The growing trend of “third termism” is likely to prevent African countries from reaching these goals yet again as the interests of individuals are placed above those of citizens and countries.</p>
<p>Africa needs visionary and courageous leadership, not benevolent or autocratic rulers. It needs leaders that can create the enabling environment for democracy, peace, and development to thrive and endure, and for citizens to live to their fullest potential.</p>
<p>Africa also needs citizens who will hold leaders to account and who will contribute to the realisation of the vision of a democratic pan-African future.</p>
<p>As Africans we don’t have to make a choice between democracy and development. We deserve both.</p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cheryl-hendricks-267661">Cheryl Hendricks</a>, Professor of Political Science, <em><a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a></em> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/gabriel-ngah-kiven-482032">Gabriel Ngah Kiven</a>, PhD candidate in Political Studies at the Department of Politics and International Relations , <em><a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a></em></p>
<p>This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/presidential-term-limits-slippery-slope-back-to-authoritarianism-in-africa-96796">original article</a>.</p>


Op-Ed: Is Africa on a slippery slope back to authoritarianism?

<p><em>Mohamed M Diatta | Sciences Po – USPC</em></p>
<p>The winds of change may blow in several directions across Africa this year as a host of countries prepare for elections. But a change in power isn’t always synonymous with change in governance. In Africa, very often, a new face in power doesn’t signal change of the system of governance.</p>
<p><div id="attachment_298824" style="width: 860px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-298824" class="wp-image-298824 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Kabila_GettyImages-800731456.png" alt="" width="850" height="538" /><p id="caption-attachment-298824" class="wp-caption-text">President of the Democratic Republic of Congo Joseph Kabila smiles as he delivers his remarks during a meeting with South African President Jacob Zuma at Sefako Makgatho Presidential Guest House in Pretoria on June 25, 2017. Image: Getty Images</p></div></p>
<p>The continent is set for a busy 2018 electoral year. In the past presidential, legislative, or local elections, or a combination, have had a destabilising if not devastating effect due to pre and post-election transparency issues and accompanying protests, violence and political instability. But when conducted well, elections have also brought hope for a better future. Ghana and Benin are good examples.</p>
<p>The year ahead won’t be any different. On the one hand the expected end of Joseph Kabila’s tenure in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) might bring momentous change to the country. On the other it’s more difficult to foresee better days for South Sudan. Others might also depart before elections.</p>
<h2>Early departures?</h2>
<p>All eyes are on Pretoria where the ruling African National Congress has asked President Jacob Zuma to resign following the election of Cyril Ramaphosa as ANC president and South Africa’s next president. As of February 13 he was showing no signs of doing so.</p>
<p>And seven years after the Jasmine Revolution that ousted the regime of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Tunisians are back on the streets. The wave that took away Ben Ali now threatens to sweep the government of Beji Caid Essebsi.</p>
<h2>Presidential seats at stake</h2>
<p>The DRC has added more instability to its already complex situation. The country has been embroiled in a political and institutional crisis since Joseph Kabila extended his term in office, after failing to amend the constitution to remove the disposition preventing him from running for a third term. He has twice postponed presidential elections, despite signing the December 2016 agreement whose main clause was to have presidential and legislative elections held by December 2017.</p>
<p>Kabila’s failure to hold elections by the December 2017 deadline has led to mounting national protests, which the regime has crushed. Increasing national and international pressure might see Kabila out in 2018 unless he amends the constitution.</p>
<p>In Cameroon, Paul Biya, 85, in power since 1982, should be up for reelection in October. Although there is no indication that he will relinquish power, he has faced dissensions and separatist claims from so-called anglophone Cameroon and is believed to have ill-health. The current lack of succession plans if Biya does not run, leaves room for speculation and uncertainty.</p>
<p>In Madagascar, concern reigns in the run-up to the presidential election at the end of this year, which should see incumbent Hery Rajaonarimampianina face up his two predecessors Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina. The island, with a tumultuous history, has been prey to institutional instability since 2001. There are fears this will happen again.</p>
<p>Three countries, South Sudan, Libya and Mali, plagued by instability for some years, are expected to hold presidential elections this year. Strong uncertainties prevail in South Sudan and Libya where negotiations for peaceful settlements have yielded little tangible results. In Mali the government doesn’t control large parts of its territory and is not immune to terrorist attacks.</p>
<p>No surprise will come from Cairo where, Abdel Fattah Al Sisi, will certainly be reelected president of a country he now controls unchallenged.</p>
<h2>Longevity and power sharing dilemmas</h2>
<p>In West Africa, Togolese Faure Gnassingbé appears as a poor student in the field of democracy. He came to power in 2005 in a quasi-dynastic political ‘transition’, replacing his father, General Gnassingbe Eyadema, who had been in power for 38 years. Reelected in 2015, he has, since August 2017, faced massive and sustained popular protests demanding institutional reforms and the end of his family’s 50-year rule.</p>
<p>The Economic Community of West African States is trying, through negotiations, to restore calm. An uneasy situation is emerging given that Faure is the current chairman of the organization until June 2018. But if he completely loses the support of his peers, he might be on his way out. Legislative elections are scheduled to take place by July.</p>
<p>Like Togo, Gabon experienced a similar ‘transition’ from father Omar Bongo, who died in power in 2009 after 42 years of rule, to his son Ali Bongo, who replaced him that year. Once a haven of peace in an unstable Central African region, Gabon has tumbled into a serious crisis since the highly contested presidential election in 2016 which was marred by widespread fraud and deadly repression. Jean Ping, leader of the opposition and former chairperson of the African Union Commission, continues to claim victory.</p>
<p>The hardening of the Libreville regime has recently resulted in a constitutional amendment that the opposition characterises as a ‘monarchisation’ of power. Legislative elections planned this year will certainly be a turning point for the country.</p>
<p>In Guinea Bissau, the power of José Mario Vaz is in troubled waters, with the appointment of a seventh prime minister since 2014. The opposition has decried the president for overstepping his constitutional prerogatives by monopolising power, in violation of the Conakry agreement signed in 2016, under the aegis of the regional west African body.</p>
<p>Vaz runs the risk of sanctions, in which case he would definitively lose the support of the organisation and the protection of the regional troop deployment. This would precipitate his departure and could plunge the country into chaos, in a state that has mostly known military coups and instability. Legislative elections are expected to take place this year.</p>
<p>In Chad, the crisis that has affected resource-dependent countries has plagued the economy. This is coupled with Idris Deby’s stronghold on power and his repressive methods. Despite facing civil unrest, he is unlikely to be shaken even though the country is expected to hold legislative elections this year.</p>
<h2>Ghana setting the pace</h2>
<p>Over the past 20 years, since the John Kofi Agyekum Kufuor presidency, Ghana has epitomised democracy south of the Sahara (aside from South Africa). Its institutional stability and peaceful transitions of power are commendable.</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91690/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />What the continent needs most are strong institutions, which will only come about with a regeneration of its leadership as well as its political class. This renewal must be rooted in a paradigm shift as embodied with determination, class and panache by Ghanaian president Nana Akufo Addo.</p>
<p><em>This article was originally published on The Conversation. </em></p>


With a busy election schedule, Africa needs a reversal of the old order

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<p>Joe Femi Dagunro joins CNBC Africa to discuss the intricacies of what a single currency would mean for the West African region.</p>


Will a single currency for ECOWAS succeed?

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<p>The United Nations envoy to West Africa has urged Togo to swiftly limit presidential terms to two if it wants to prevent protests from escalating into a political crisis.</p>


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AMEA Power develops large scale solar plant in Togo

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IMF approves immediate debt relief for 25 countries amid COVID-19 crisis

Togo’s Gnassingbe takes strong lead

Op-Ed: It’s getting easier to do business in Africa—but there’s room to do more

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Togo aims to become a regional economic hub

Doing business report: Sub-Saharan African economies set new record

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With a busy election schedule, Africa needs a reversal of the old order

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