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COVID-19 Update: A total of 53279 tests were conducted in the last 24hrs, with 17710 new cases. We report 465 more COVID-19 related deaths, bringing the total number of deaths to 28033.

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Coronavirus – South Africa: COVID-19 update for South Africa (30 December 2020)

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Cumulative Cases: 20,462 Total Recoveries: 18,530 COVID-19 Deaths: 131 COVID-19 Associated Deaths: 255 Active Cases: 1,546
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Coronavirus – Zambia: Daily status update (30th December 2020)

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COVID-19 update: As at 30 December 2020, Zimbabwe had 13 625 confirmed cases, including 11 154 recoveries and 360 deaths.
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Coronavirus – Zimbabwe: COVID-19 Update (30th December 2020)

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New Cases: 83 Total confirmed cases: 6471 Total Active cases: 398 Total recovered: 5700 (12 new) Lost to follow-up: 108 Outcome under investigation: 76 Total number of tests conducted: 84986 (477 new) Total Deaths: 189 (1 new)
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Coronavirus – Malawi: COVID-19 update (30 December 2020)

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816 patients have recovered from the disease, 798 being from the Home-Based Care Program, while 18 have been discharged from various hospitals. The total recoveries now stand at 78,475.

2 patients have lost their lives to the disease bringing the cumulative fatalities to 1,667.
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Coronavirus – Kenya: COVID-19 update (30 December 2020)

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Daily Laboratory test: 5,402 Severe cases: 243 New recovered: 1,131 New deaths: 5 New cases: 468

Total Laboratory test: 1,794,689 Active cases: 10,066 Total recovered: 111,870 Total deaths: 1,918 Total cases: 123,856
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Coronavirus – Ethiopia: COVID-19 reported cases in Ethiopia (30 December 2020)

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For many years, and as it was pursuing ambitions to become a global LNG exporter, Mozambique has struggled to generate enough energy for its domestic market. We are now about to see an energy revolution thanks to great gas discoveries made by international investors over the past decade. While international technological innovation and skillful know-how will be driving such projects, we must all push for a transfer of knowledge throughout the development of Mozambique’s LNG projects.

The need for more collaboration and shared experience among African energy experts is going to be critical for Mozambique as it pushes towards monetizing massive gas discoveries. Similarly, recognizing that the state and the private sector need to play a role in the development of critical energy infrastructure to pave the way for domestic gas utilization will be key to Mozambique’s development and also solving energy poverty issues.

“Mozambique can learn from the success and struggles of other African countries on the critical role of gas in our development,” stated Florival Mucave, President of the Mozambique Oil &#038; Gas Chamber, who firmly believes that increased collaboration between upstream and downstream players across the value-chain will benefit Mozambique.

Mozambican stakeholders from the public and private sector recognize that the country is at a crossroad in its development. In this context, building the right energy mix while taking into consideration climate issues is key for the country.

The African energy industry is capable of embracing climate concerns and at the same time continuing to develop its natural resources to benefit the poor, create jobs and promote an inclusive economic development.

Mozambique’s LNG is important to the world and will act as a bridge to other sources of energy, and local businesses should be ready to participate in this development. Local content and jobs must not be catch phrases, they must be real. African businesses and entrepreneurs have a role to play and must push for an enabling environment that will spur investment, entrepreneurship and growth.

“The government and energy companies have recognized the amazing opportunity that gas offers to change our economic ambitions, and there is a clear intent to monetize these resources for the benefit of Mozambicans. This will be possible only through an increase in investment into infrastructure,” added Florival Mucave.

“The issues around domestic gas and local concerns will be resolved with a market driven approach. This will pave the way for the use affordable and abundant gas to launch an industrial and agricultural-led growth, improve our trading abilities regionally, effectively increase the Mozambican spending power, and revitalize our economy in a post covid environment,” he concluded.

Mozambique is already benefiting from its collaboration with the African Energy Chamber, the largest energy industry lobby group in the continent. Such collaborative platforms between the public and private sector needs to be encouraged to drive investment in gas and monetization across industries, for the benefits of African factories and households.

“We stand ready to share lessons learnt from other gas producers with Mozambique. There are a lot of resources across our network when it comes to gas monetization, including successful deals, in-depth industry experience and market driven policies that can ensure Mozambique’s energy success,” declared NJ Ayuk, Executive Chairman of the African Energy Chamber.

“Mozambique is in a unique position to capitalize on these opportunities and I am confident it will. Our industry needs to collaborate with government to develop smart policies and drive up the economy. Total, Exxon, ENI are part of the solution and we must work with them and provide the incentives to collectives achieve such opportunities that benefit Africans as a whole,” he added.
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Natural Gas Monetization Binds Africa and Mozambique’s Oil and Gas Industries

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By Jude Kearney, Chairman of the US/Africa Committee of the Africa Energy Chamber (https://EnergyChamber.org/)

2021 could be the beginning of a much needed reset for US relations with Africa and its various countries and regions. To date, most African governments have responded positively to the results of the recent U.S. presidential election, with many African leaders offering their congratulations to Joe Biden. That is no surprise: Donald Trump’s presidency has been, at best, a mixed bag for Africa and Africans.
President Trump’s Africa Legacy
Unfortunately for Donald Trump, his widely reported use of profane and vile language in a closed door meeting to describe African and other developing countries is now viewed by many, including most Africans, as clear evidence that he is uninterested in any meaningful or supportive relationship with Africa. While I accept it as fact that such derogation of a whole continent of peoples displays bigotry and disdain towards Africans, it is nonetheless true that, by some measures, his administration’s substantive policies and actions towards Africa are not all negative. For instance, it is a fact that Trump played a role in facilitating the April 2020? “OPEC plus” deal which helped to stabilize the oil industry and gave African oil-producing nations new opportunities to recover from COVID-19-related economic hardships. Certain of his administration’s senior officials and agencies have championed policies devoted to creating openings in Africa for US and Western investments, though primarily as a geopolitical hedge against our nation’s chief international hegemonic rivals. Indeed, the Prosper Africa program was launched by his administration pursuant to the stated intention to utilize the resources of the, including the balance sheet of a new, highly capitalized US Development Finance Corporation, to more forcefully compete for partnerships and commercial opportunities for US businesses in Africa.)
But let’s be clear: Among Africans and those in the private sector dedicated to partnering with and developing countries and regions in Africa, the net effect of Trump on US Africa matters is deeply negative. He didn’t win any friends in Africa by the above-mentioned disparagement of Africa as a monolithic “shithole”, nor through his spontaneous and otherwise unsubstantiated issuance of orders restricting travel to the United States from several African states beginning in 2017.  In a move that drew criticism from many observers (including myself), his administration also withdrew from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) in 2017, thereby weakening the critical war against corruption in the extractives industries (including especially the hydrocarbons sector). And the shithole reference was troubling beyond its arresting and unpresidential nature: that comment came as a flourish, of sorts, meant to punctuate his view of the unattractiveness of Africans as immigrate to the United States. As retold by an official present at the meeting, Trump would prefer instead emigres from Norway.
All, in all, where the Trump administration is concerned, US Africa relations will likely improve by virtue of Trump’s exit, even as observers seek to retain and expand on the few Trump policies and initiatives which are useful to the relationship. What remains is therefore to see what in particular the Biden Administration portends for the relationship.
How Substantially Better Will US Africa Relations Be Under Biden?
For a host of reasons, including his standing with the African American community, his reputation for stability and reason, and his renown for foreign policy expertise and diplomatic good will, Biden as president is already viewed by Africans and Africanists as an improvement over Trump. Certainly, Biden is expected to strike a different tone. In addition, throughout his presidential campaign, Biden engaged a group of dedicated Africa and foreign policy specialists to help him define and convey a positive and substantive Africa polity. Indeed, the Biden transition team has already pledged to aim for “mutually respectful engagement toward Africa with a bold strategy,” so it seems safe to assume that the new administration will take a much less confrontational approach to Africa, with an important nod to improving trade and diplomacy relationships between the US and African countries.
It is thus at least reassuring that there will be earnest and polite interaction between the US Government and its various bilateral counterparts in Africa. But will politeness good will be enough? Will the Biden administration be willing to work with Africa in ways that are productive and substantive, or will it offer mostly warm regards and rhetoric? In particular, will the new administration craft true partnerships with certain African governments and, importantly, will the Biden administration navigate a path in its Africa policies that advances US goals while acknowledging the unique juxtaposition of Africa’s continued and growing demand for power generation and poverty abatement, on the one hand, while on the other hand it must rely overwhelmingly on extractive resources, including hydrocarbons, to capitalize the installation of power and abatement of poverty.
Africa’s Energy Conundrum
So, looking more granularly at future of US Africa policy on Africa’s economies, what does the impending US presidential transition mean for Africa’s oil and gas sector? By virtue of my role at the African Energy Chamber, I simply have to ask: How will the Biden administration approach African oil and gas? Is it likely to exert itself to strengthen one of the most important pillars of the continent’s economy, or will it focus on other issues? How will it deal with energy poverty issues? Will the US help to fund an energy transition for Africa and brainstorm with leaders in Africa on the balance of optimizing Africa’s extractive resources while likewise planning a sustainable future for Africa and the planet? Or instead, on these thorny issues, will African countries be left to fend for themselves seek partnerships and support on these issues elsewhere? (It is a safe bet that China and Russia and others will be happy if that latter tack is taken.) Though I certainly don’t expect it, a related question should also be asked: Will the Biden Treasury Department continue policies where its default position is to distrust and punish Africa’s governments through sanctions and punitive monetary and banking restrictions, increasing the chances that certain countries will never get the developmental traction to pull itself out of stagnation? Will there be, in particular, an abrupt anti-funding posture towards Africa’s biggest commodity, hydrocarbons? Will the new administration utilize the good will that it will enjoy with Africa upon inauguration and the administration’s agency initiatives to foster stronger private sector alliances between US and African companies? In regards to expanded trade between the African continent and the US, how might the US provide input and partnership with Africa on the development of the proposed African Free Trade Agreement and how might the US Africa Growth and Opportunity Act be improved and strengthened so as to substantially improve direct trade advantages between the US and certain African countries?
Biden administration answers to these and similar questions will have profound influence on the tenor and success of renewed engagement between Africa and the US.
Relationship Between US Africa Policy and US Domestic Priorities, Especially Including Climate Change
First of all, the incoming administration’s top priority is likely to be COVID-19 — and specifically, the domestic implications of the pandemic. For despite the recent roll-out of several types of vaccines, infection rates are rising in the United States — and may continue to do so for some time yet. At the same time, the U.S. economy has not yet regained the momentum it lost in the spring. The outbreak is still causing companies to go out of business and people to lose jobs.
Under these circumstances, it makes sense for Biden to focus on the home front. What that means, though, is that he’ll inevitably devote more attention to the question of how best to compensate for the loss of many thousands of jobs in the U.S. oil and gas sector than to the question of how best to support upstream, midstream, and downstream projects that might create many thousands of jobs in Africa.
In short, the Biden administration is probably not going to make Africa’s oil and gas sector a priority.
But that’s not just because of the pandemic. The second reason why is that Biden has identified climate change as an urgent threat that requires immediate attention. He said so explicitly at a news conference on Dec. 19, as he named his picks for three cabinet-level posts at the Department of Energy (DoE), Department of the Interior (DoI), and the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).
“Folks, we’re in a crisis,” he declared. “Just like we need to be [a] unified nation that responds to COVID-19, we need a unified national response to climate change. We need to meet the moment with the urgency it demands, as we would during any national emergency.”
Biden also described climate change as “the existential threat of our time.”
These statements are all perfectly in line with the lofty goals outlined on the Biden campaign website. They suggest the incoming U.S. administration will come down decisively on the side of renewable, zero-emissions energy initiatives at the expense of oil and gas. They suggest the Biden team might not provide any backing, financial or otherwise, for projects that aim to help African and international companies turn the continent’s abundant hydrocarbon reserves into fuel for domestic industry. And they suggest Washington might not be overly sympathetic to African countries that are trying to reduce their carbon footprint by expanding the use of natural gas as a fuel for electricity generation.
China’s Role in Africa: Africa Requests the Favor of US Attention and US Business Practices as Alternatives
If a strictly anti-hydrocarbon policy dominates US posture towards African economies, African states are left with little choice but to push back against such cut-and-dried policies which would essentially disregard the continent’s primary source of economic survival. And it may have the clearly unintended consequence of pushing African states deeper into the arms of other geopolitical suitors who acknowledge the unavoidable role that hydrocarbon resources play in Africa’s economy.
That push back will come not just because gas-fired power stations, a creative and growing use of Africa’s abundant hydrocarbon resources, generate less carbon dioxide other petroleum products&#8211;while also supplying the electricity that Africans need to improve their own lives and build their own economies—but also because other foreign investors, while not necessarily favored in many countries, in Africa, don’t place the impossible burden on Africa of ignoring its most prevalent source of income . China is chief among the countries sending such alternative investors into Africa.
I’m hardly the first person to notice that Beijing has taken a strong interest in Africa — in its resources, in its strategic locations, in its potential as a market for Chinese goods. And I’m also not the first person to notice that this interest has led multiple African countries to accept loans from China, which does not follow Western creditors’ practices of imposing requirements for transparency and human rights protections. But I want to add my voice to those who have pointed out that Chinese loans may be a net drag on Africa, since they often do little to support local workers or local companies and are so hard to repay that they sometimes leave borrowers with no option but to forfeit control of important assets.
I also want to point out that billions of dollars’ worth of Chinese credits have flowed into Africa’s oil and gas sector — especially in cases where sanctions and other restrictions have limited opportunities for Western investors. Chinese companies have, for example, played the leading role in developing oil fields in Chad, Sudan, and South Sudan. They have also established footholds in key producer states where sanctions are not a consideration — as in Nigeria, where a Chinese company is building the cross-country Ajaokuta-Kaduna-Kano (AKK) gas pipeline.
In short, China is looking to play a significant role in Africa’s oil and gas sector. What’s more, it’s making clear that it’s ready to invest in hydrocarbons even when the United States and other Western countries won’t do so.
Certainly, African countries aren’t going to be turning their back on Chinese investments any time soon – and they shouldn’t. Even so, I’d like the continent’s oil and gas producers to have as many options as possible. As I’ve already said, I’m concerned.
And I think the United States ought to be concerned, too. Partly because China doesn’t always play fair with respect to trade and currency policy.  Partly because China doesn’t necessarily share the U.S. government’s stance on transparency and accountability. 
The Biden administration will be in a better position to do the watching if it looks for ways to help U.S. businesses compete in the same sectors that China has been targeting in Africa. It therefore ought to give serious consideration to projects that involve hydrocarbons. It should look for ways to provide financing, risk insurance, and other forms of support for African oil and gas initiatives, and it should pursue closer diplomatic and trade ties with African states that don’t fall in line with Beijing’s demands. It could, for example, back the Sudanese interim government’s decision not to renew PetroChina’s contract for Block 6 in the Muglad basin at the end of 2020.
U.S. DFC, Among Certain Other Agencies, Offers Great Potential for Both the U.S. and Africa
The one key initiative taken by the outgoing Administration which can be most useful to the development of an improved US Africa relationship in the coming years is the consolidation and focus of US developmental objectives through the establishment of the US Development Finance Corporation. The substantially increased balance sheet and proactive charter given to the agency can be used to greatly enhance African development initiatives and foster stronger bilateral ties between the US and many African nations. However, as is widely known in Washington, personnel is policy: the use and treatment of this agency and its resources by new Biden administration appointees will go a long way toward defining the tenor and effectiveness of Biden Africa policy. could also make better use of existing institutions — especially the International Development Finance Corporation (DFC).
The Trump administration had a point when it gave the DFC — which is described as the provider of “an economically viable form of private sector-led investment, offering a robust alternative to state-directed investment which often leaves countries saddled with debt”— the task of promoting U.S. trade and economic interests in the face of stiff competition from China.
What’s more, I don’t expect the Biden administration to set DFC aside — at least not initially, while it focuses so closely on the pandemic and climate change. Instead, I expect the incoming team to let the corporation continue along its current course for the time being.
The problem is that DFC’s course doesn’t do much for the oil and gas sector in Africa. The agency has lent its support to several gas-to-power schemes, such as the Central Termica de Temane (CTT) initiative in Mozambique, but it has shown much more interest in renewable energy projects such as solar farms.
This imbalance doesn’t seem to be the product of any institutional biases against fossil fuels. After all, DFC has awarded funding to a number of upstream and midstream projects in the Middle East and Latin America. Nevertheless, there is an imbalance, and African oil and gas producers could try to correct it by asking this U.S. government agency for help in financing oil and gas production, transportation, processing, and distribution initiatives.
If they succeed, they’ll be in a better position to seek alternatives to Chinese creditors as they work to develop some of their most valuable natural resources. And along the way, they’ll also extract more of the fuels they need to produce more electricity, support local industries, and raise their earnings.
(Mr. Kearney collaborated on this article with NJ Ayuk, Executive Chairman of the African Energy Chamber and CEO of Centurion Law Group)
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What the U.S. Political Transition Might Mean for Africa Generally and Its Oil and Gas Sector in Particular (By Jude Kearney)

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With the recent emergence in the African region of new COVID-19 variants which seem to have higher transmissibility, the World Health Organization (WHO) calls on countries to boost genomic surveillance and analysis through the African genome sequencing laboratory network to detect any new mutations and strengthen the efforts to curb the pandemic.

South Africa recently detected a new SARS-CoV-2 variant, which appears to transmit more easily and is likely linked to the ongoing surge of COVID-19 infections in the country. Further analysis is underway to determine the full epidemiological significance of this mutation. Nigeria is also carrying out more investigations on a variant identified in samples collected in August and October.
“The emergence of new COVID-19 variants is common. However, those with higher speed of transmission or potentially increased pathogenicity are very concerning. Crucial investigations are underway to comprehensively understand the behaviour of the new mutant virus and steer response accordingly,” said Dr Matshidiso Moeti, WHO Regional Director for Africa.
In September 2020, WHO and the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention launched network of 12 laboratories in Africa to reinforce genome sequencing of the SARS-CoV-2. As of 23 December, 4948 sequences had been produced in the region, representing just 2% of the 295 101 sequences done so far worldwide.
South Africa, which has carried out most of the 4948 sequences, has identified 35 SARS-CoV-2 lineages, and Nigeria 18. Grouping viruses from different countries into the same lineage or sub-lineage shows linkage or importation of viruses between countries.
The WHO Regional Office for Africa is providing technical guidance and mobilizing additional financial support to speed up the genomic sequencing in most countries in the region as well as assisting in shipping samples to regional reference laboratories from countries that do not have specialized diagnostic facilities.
“While surveillance and detection of COVID-19 are critical components of the response to the pandemic, public health measures such as handwashing, physical distancing and wearing of masks also remain key to limiting infection,” said Dr Moeti. “The current preventive measures are effective even on the new SARS-CoV-2 variants.”
The new variants have emerged as COVID-19 infections are on the rise in the 47 countries in the WHO African region, nearly reaching the peak seen in July. In the past 28 days, Algeria, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya, Namibia, Nigeria, South Africa and Uganda have reported the highest number of new cases, accounting for 90% of all the infections in the region.
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World Health Organization (WHO) Urges Greater Surveillance as New COVID-19 Variants Emerge

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Tests conducted: 6500482 Positive cases identified: 1021451 Total recoveries: 858456 Total deaths: 27568 New cases: 9580
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Coronavirus – South Africa: COVID-19 statistics in South Africa (29 December 2020)

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COVID-19 update: As at 29 December 2020, Zimbabwe had 13325 confirmed cases, including 11067 recoveries and 359 deaths.
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Coronavirus – Zimbabwe: COVID-19 Update (29th December 2020)

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New Cases: 11 Total confirmed cases: 6388 Total Active cases: 328 Total recovered: 5688 (6 new) Lost to follow-up: 108 Outcome under investigation: 76 Total number of tests conducted: 84509 (157 new) Total Deaths: 188 (0 new)
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Coronavirus – Malawi: COVID-19 update (29 December 2020)

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COVID-19 Update: A total of 31457 tests were conducted in the last 24hrs, with 9580 new cases. We report 497 more COVID-19 related deaths, bringing the total number of deaths to 27568.

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Coronavirus – South Africa: COVID-19 update for South Africa (29 December 2020)

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Distribution of the cases by Counties: Nairobi (47), Mombasa (27), Makueni (14), Nakuru (12), Murang’a (12), Busia (10), Kiambu (5), Kirinyaga (3), Kisii (3), Kilifi (2), Kajiado (2), Kisumu (2), Kwale (2), Garissa (2), Nyandarua (1), Machakos (1), Turkana (1), Uasin Gishu (1).
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Coronavirus – Kenya: Distribution of Cases by Counties (29 December 2020)

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Daily Laboratory test: 4,155 Severe cases: 233 New recovered: 893 New deaths: 1 New cases: 243

Total Laboratory test: 1,789,287 Active cases: 10,734 Total recovered: 110,739 Total deaths: 1,913 Total cases: 123,388
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Coronavirus – Ethiopia: COVID-19 reported cases in Ethiopia (29 December 2020)

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Mondia (https://Mondia.com/), a leading mobile technology company specialising in the marketing and distribution of digital content, today announced its second African launch of the ground-breaking time-based entertainment platform Monsooq, in Nigeria. This follows on the heels of the initial launch in South Africa.

Monsooq is the first-of-its kind model which utilises time as the currency. Users pay only for the time they spend consuming content and are not required to take out any contracts or subscriptions.
Entertainment anytime anywhere
Monsooq’s unique time-based model allows consumers to buy entertainment time just as they would mobile airtime and use that time to consume any content they choose, including movies, sports, educational content, books, series, games and music – all on a single, convenient, end-to-end entertainment platform. New users to https://Monsooq.com/ng will receive 60 minutes complimentary access and a 50% discount on content during the launch, after which pricing is NGN20 per hour.
Whether a consumer wishes to play a game for 30 minutes while commuting, or binge a new series for six hours, they are able to load that amount of time to their profile securely using a debit or credit card. And when their time ends, they simply top up with more.
Nigeria houses incredible content
Dr Amadeo Rahmann, Mondia Group CEO, said: “Africa is the next frontier in regard to digitalisation. Our extensive footprint, increasing customer base and significant experience in the region make Africa a natural choice of focus for us. African markets, especially Nigeria with its large population and growth of digital streaming services, are primed for the democratisation of content. Mondia is firmly focused on changing the way people consume entertainment. We have incredible reach and deep understanding of the geographies in which we operate, with over 1.4 billion potential users in these countries.”
Mondia believes that Nigeria is a great local content hub for Africa with its media and entertainment industry, Nollywood, providing world-class content. Nigeria is also currently the second-largest film producer in the world in terms of number of movies[3]. The local industry employs about one million people and generates over US$7 billion for the economy3, and Mondia is excited to help provide another platform for this content.
The “new normal” brings new opportunities
“COVID-19 has had such a dramatic impact on economies globally, deeply affecting consumers’ disposable income. We believe that the Monsooq model is reflective of the changed financial situation of consumers while bringing much needed entertainment during these difficult times,” concludes Dr Rahmann.
Mondia sees exceptional potential in the continent. According to research conducted by PwC South Africa in 2019[1], entertainment and media (E&#038;M) spend in Nigeria saw a 25.5% rise in E&#038;M revenue in 2017 to US$3.8bn.
In December 2019 more Africans (526 million) accessed the internet than North Americans[2]. And there is still massive potential for growth: Africa has a total internet penetration level of just under 40%, as compared to penetration in the rest of the world of 63.2%. While streaming services have proliferated across Africa, there is an increasing need to deliver enhanced value, choice, and innovation in terms of pricing and content.
Monsooq also represents a new frontier of content monetisation for entertainment providers, giving them direct access to customers who are not interested in a traditional subscription model.
Content is king
Monsooq features a world-class recommendation engine to ensure consumers find the content they love. Content will be localised and customised, with a mix of local, regional and international content. Mondia aims to build the content economy and bring value across Africa as Monsooq expands.
The platform has partnered with leading regional content providers such as Viva Nation and Wi-flix, as well as well-known international TV channels, sports and games providers, and offers over 20 000 hours of entertainment including, Esport and EPIC ON. In addition, Mondia will also feature their own entertainment services which boast leading games and music titles.
Monsooq launched in South Africa (http://bit.ly/3nUHSr4) in November, which incorporates a deal (http://bit.ly/3o0p4XA) with LaLiga as a premium content partner, and now launches in Nigeria, with other markets to follow.
To access Monsooq simply click here (http://bit.ly/3aSgzKd).
[1] https://www.pwc.co.za/en/press-room/entertainment&#8212;media-report-2019.html [2] internetworldstats.com [3] https://www.trade.gov
 Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Mondia.
Media Contacts: Michael Rubenstein Tel: + 27 82 903 7797 michael@ownalchemy.com
Nicolas le Roux Mondia Group Tel: + 971 50 557 7541 nicolas.leroux@mondia.com
About Mondia: Mondia (https://Mondia.com/) is a leading technology company specialising in the marketing and distribution of digital content. Mondia has deep insight into where the markets are headed and the role of technology to solve business challenges while enabling the best user experiences. Mondia, through its content-agnostic platforms creates personalised digital experiences for people by providing them with the latest world-class digital content, accessible anywhere and anytime; including health, entertainment, lifestyle, gaming, music and sports. Mondia is well-positioned to enable its enterprise customers to grow their user engagement and maximise their monetisation potential through payment connectivity, customer acquisition and life cycle management services.
With 13 locations across Europe, the Middle East and Africa, Mondia reaches over 1.4bn end-users across over 60 countries. The company partners with more than 80 telco operators from around the world, over 1,000 content providers and 200 merchants. Mondia services are available in Ethiopia, Nigeria and Pakistan through mondia.cell.
For more information please visit: https://Mondia.com/
About Dr Amadeo Rahmann, Mondia CEO:  Amadeo is a shareholder and Chief Executive Officer at Mondia where he is responsible for providing strategic, financial and operational leadership for the company and senior leadership team. He is a true visionary and prides himself in the establishment of long-standing relationships with key decision makers and influencers. ​
Amadeo is a highly acclaimed, experienced and successful entrepreneur, based in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. He has led several multi-million-dollar large-scale projects in cooperation with various internationally renowned companies in multiple sectors across Europe, Middle East &#038; Africa. Leveraging this extensive global network, he continuously seeks opportunities to drive the business forward. ​
He started Mondia in 2002 and continues to lead the company to new heights with the introduction of new products and services as well as business verticals. He is responsible for continued revenue growth and expanded the business to 13 locations across the globe with 250 passionate employees. ​
Amadeo holds a PhD in Languages and Literature from the University of Rome and speaks five languages. He is an avid reader and enjoys keeping fit.
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New cases: 147 Confirmed cases: 96139 New recoveries: 138 Total recoveries: 77659 New deaths: 1 Total deaths: 1665
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