South Africa&#8217;s Chamber of Mines has lodged an urgent court application to prevent the mines minister from suspending the issuance of new mining and prospecting rights, the industry body said on Tuesday.
&#8220;The industry has no option but to proceed with court action to ensure that the minister acts within the law,&#8221; the chamber said in a statement. It said the case will be heard on Aug 4.
Mineral Resources Minister Mosebenzi Zwane said last week he intended to suspend the granting of applications for prospecting and mining rights pending a court case to review a new charter that increased the required level of ownership of mining firms by black people.
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Reporting by Ed Stoddard; Editing by James Macharia
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SA Chamber of Mines to challenge mining rights freeze

Africa has huge power needs and is making big steps towards meeting growing demands with solar energy. Africa’s sunshine positions it to command a staggering 40% of the world’s solar power generating potential, compared to Asia at 25% and North America at 11%, and Europe at 2%. Growth in solar power generating capacity has increased 10 times over the last four years, and venture capital investment is also up by 10-fold.
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Moving Africa forward with solar

Ongama Mtimka | Nelson Mandela University
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The South African Communist Party (SACP) resolved at its recent 14th Congress to contest future elections in the country independent of the African National Congress (ANC), its dominant alliance partner.
If implemented, the resolution would fundamentally change the governing tripartite alliance that’s been in place for more than 60 years. It was formed during the struggle for liberation and has governed South Africa since 1994. The other member of the alliance is the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu).
Between the mid 1940s and 1950s, South African communists differed with their international counterparts in their interpretation of the role of class struggle in liberation politics. Despite fears that nationalism would invariably deliver a political settlement with little change in the material living conditions of the working class, the party tactically aligned itself with the Congress Movement, led by the ANC. It regarded the South African situation as “unique” and therefore requiring “more creativity in how the party sought to advance the class struggle”.
Relations within the alliance are now at an all time low. Ahead of the latest congress, the increasingly strained relations between the SACP and President Jacob Zuma, who is also president of the ANC, and thus the leader of the alliance, had reached an unprecedented low point.
This came amid growing claims alleging that Zuma is the kingpin behind the capture of the state by private business interests. The party has called for the president’s resignation and barred him from speaking at its congress. Zuma had earlier been subjected to similar treatment by Cosatu.
Oddly, the SACP says it will remain within the alliance despite its stated aim to contest elections, effectively in opposition to the ANC. Yet, the mere act of it contesting elections may be construed as a split in practical terms.
But, the party has been here before.
<h2>A decade of indecision</h2>
Relations among the alliance partners have been strained throughout the democratic period because of the policies of the ANC in power, with Thabo Mbeki’s administration from 1999 to 2008 associated with “neoliberalism” or “the class project of 1996”. In turn, Mbeki was critical of what he called divisive “ultra-leftists” in the alliance when closing the 51st ANC conference at Stellenbosch in 2002, increasing fears of a possible split.
Consequently, the leftist SACP first resolved to contest state power independently at its 12th Congress in 2007. But then the party deferred the final decision to implement the resolution to its central committee, the highest decision making body between congresses.
The central committee was mandated to either lobby for a “reconfigured alliance” with greater leftist influence and control, or to decide on contesting elections independently. The idea of a reconfigured alliance won the day, with the SACP then pinning its hopes on an expected victory by leftists in the ANC. Zuma, its preferred supposedly leftist candidate for the position of ANC president, went on to defeat Mbeki in December 2007.
<div id="attachment_222404" style="width: 310px" class="wp-caption alignright"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-222404" class="size-medium wp-image-222404" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/Mbeki_WEF_Flickr-300x201.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="201" />Former South African President Thabo Mbeki. Photo | Eric Miller / World Economic Forum 2008 Africa Summit, Cape Town
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The party “reaffirmed” the decision to contest state power at its 13th congress in 2012. But, once again, it failed to empower its central committee to implement the decision. It only mandated it to table “a report” to “enable fuller discussion” in December that year.
Again at the 2017 congress, the party has resolved to contest elections but qualified the resolution by asking its central committee to conduct further analysis and engage its stakeholders on the best way to achieve this.
In essence, the SACP has been tiptoeing about the idea of contesting state power at its three conferences over the past 10 years.
The resolution from the 14th Congress, therefore, could have shown a bolder commitment by the SACP to contesting state power. But once again, decisive action has effectively been postponed by failing to instruct the central committee explicitly to implement it.
When pressed to clarify the tentative nature of the party’s resolution, SACP General Secretary, Blade Nzimande, confirmed that more discussions were to follow before a final decision could be made. This deferring of a final decision to another structure makes the resolution exactly the same as those of the past two conferences.
<h2>Clinging onto the ANC’s coattails</h2>
Despite successive disappointments, the party still appears to be hoping for an outcome that will favour it in the ANC succession race. Nzimande has denied this. This time, their key man is ANC presidential hopeful and deputy president of the country Cyril Ramaphosa.
This reliance on ANC succession politics may see the SACP fail to contest elections in 2019 once again. But the failure to stop relying on developments in the ANC and start implementing a now ten-year old resolution to contest elections will be more spectacular this time round. That’s because at the rate the governing party is losing support, there might no longer be a dominant ANC in South African electoral politics.
That the ANC is leaking votes presents the SACP with its best ever chance to strengthen its hand within the alliance. It’s a golden opportunity to end the ANC’s abusive tendency to act unilaterally, regardless of the SACP’s position on key issues.
The SACP might have more direct and observable value from real electoral support, which can be translated into seats in municipal councils, provincial legislatures and in parliament.
<h2>One more alternative to the ANC?</h2>
There has not been a practical and scientific way to determine what the SACP brings to the ANC in terms of electoral support. The picture was complicated by the fact that SACP members are also often members of the ANC. The party could not take for granted that its close to 220 000 members would vote for it if it left the alliance.
But with the ANC in its current crisis, the SACP might present a close enough alternative for supporters who are fed up with the governing party and who don’t have an alternative party to vote for.
But it will never know unless it breaks the perpetual indecisiveness.

Op-Ed: South Africa’s communists need to cut the ANC umbilical cord. Or perish

Trevor Gosling | Lulalend
A common challenge for small business owners is ensuring adequate cash flow. Increasing costs of supplies, inventory or business operations can often outpace the money coming into the business. Without smart cash flow management, business owners can quickly land in hot water. But, says Trevor Gosling, CEO of online small business lender Lulalend, there are some key principles that business owners can follow to ensure the lifeblood of their business – cash flow – is not placed in undue peril. “Business owners need to keep an eye trained on budgets, overheads, suppliers and day-to-day expenses. Luckily, there are some tried and tested cash flow management tips to ensure there’s not too much month for your money.”
Gosling recommends that business owners consider the following:
#1 &#8211; Find ways of bringing in new business and retain existing customers
The first step is to make sure you’re marketing your business to the right people in the right way. You might need to rethink your marketing plan or start marketing if that hasn’t been on your agenda. Maybe it’s worthwhile to run some specials or promotions to draw in more customers.
Secondly, don’t forget about existing customers. Take advantage of your well-earned relationships, and turn them into brand advocates who keep coming back. Their experience at every touch point will influence whether they turn into repeat customers.
#2 &#8211; Build strong relationships with trustworthy suppliers
Building a solid relationship with suppliers will put you in a better position to negotiate with them – this means they are more likely to offer you discounts and special deals. For example, because you’ve built a good relationship and the supplier knows you are a trustworthy client there may be opportunities for more flexibility in extending your credit. Instead of having just two weeks to pay a supplier you could push for four weeks. And because the supplier knows you’re good for it, they might be willing to accommodate.
#3 &#8211; Assess where you can save in the day-to-day running of the business
We spend a big chunk of our lives at the office, so it’s understandable that we want to make it a comfortable environment for ourselves and our employees. But are you spending more on luxuries then you need to? Do you really need that fancy espresso machine or trendy office furniture? Consider what are needs and what are wants.
This can even apply to the software that you need for business operations. Determine whether a subscription-based offering is reasonable and includes the features you need. For example, Xero offers its online accounting software for as little as R140 per month which integrates with your bank, enables you to send invoices, and lets you reconcile bank statements easily.
#4 &#8211; Go green
There are a couple of ways you can save money by being an environmentally conscious business. Why not go paperless, whether this is for emails, invoices, or bookkeeping? With the current water shortage in South Africa, encourage your employees to use water conservatively and fix any leaking taps as soon as you become aware of them. You may think these small changes do not make a big difference in your bottom line, but consider this: Brian Wilkinson, CEO of Green Building Council of South Africa (GBCSA), says a green building on average saves 25% in electricity. These energy efficient solutions may also help you qualify for tax incentives, which work on the basis of quantifiable energy that you save expressed as kilowatt-hours (kWh). For each kWh that you save, you could get up to R0.45 tax relief.
#5 &#8211; Use your office space wisely
Office space can be very pricey – especially if you want a prime spot that’s accessible to a large customer base. Make sure that the space you rent is suitable for a small business and that subleasing doesn’t go against your own lease agreement. A shared workspace will also save you a substantial amount on utilities. For example, The Bureaux Flexible Work Habitats offer a desk space for R1,850 per month and it includes necessities like electricity, water, and Wi-Fi connection.
#6 &#8211; Invoice customers as quickly as possible
As a business, you want your clients to pay you as soon as possible. To get paid quickly, be sure to invoice them immediately after the service/product has been provided. For services such as those offered by electricians, plumbers and other similar trades, you could consider offering discounts as an incentive for paying early. While giving a discount may tighten margins slightly, it will also manage to free up cash flow in your business.
#7 &#8211; Be proactive
Don’t wait until your business is experiencing a cash flow slump. Make sure that you have documented a plan and a cost-reduction strategy in place so that you’re prepared when the leaner months arrive. Every business is bound to experience a bump in the road, but the true mark of a successful business is having a strategy in place to manage cash flow.
Short term business funding is also a viable option to help your business if you are experiencing a dip in cash flow. Access to funding can help you purchase more stock or inventory to increase sales and bring in more business, and could ensure that you are paying the loan off quickly and not getting yourself into a debt cycle. At Lulalend we help SMEs get quick, easy access to business funding so that they can see success and not digress. With business funding of up to R500 000 and flexible repayment plans, you can turn things around for your business and remain in the cash flow positive.

How to keep your SME cash-flow positive

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ABUJA (Reuters) &#8211; From pale ale with tangs of passion fruit and mango to a heady stout with 10 percent alcohol, a pioneering craft brewer in Nigeria is seeking to expand and grab more of a market dominated by Heineken and Diageo.
Bature Brewery has faced a slog to launch the first commercial products from its microbrewery tucked behind a burger joint in the capital, seeking to gain a foothold &#8211; albeit a small one &#8211; in Africa&#8217;s second biggest beer market.
It has had to navigate Nigeria&#8217;s Byzantine bureaucracy to secure a license, install cables and a generator to deal with frequent blackouts and raise financing to import equipment and ingredients while the naira currency plunged.
But the three expatriate founders of Bature, who want to turn a passion for home brewing into commercial success, have been spurred on by an enthusiastic reception for their beers and encouraged by growth prospects in a nation of some 190 million.
Nigerians drink 16 million hectoliters of beer a year, which is half as much as South Africans &#8211; the continent&#8217;s biggest beer market &#8211; even though Nigeria has a population that is more than three times the size.
&#8220;Having Nigerians taste our beer and say, &#8216;Wow, this is really great,&#8217; we decided to go for it and try and build this first (craft) brewery here in Nigeria,&#8221; co-founder Kevin Conroy told Reuters at their Abuja operation.
Conroy, a Scot, came to Nigeria like his two co-founding colleagues to work in international development. Tired of mass-produced beers that they found bland, the three brewed their own and soon found others liked it too.
Conroy still works in development alongside helping build the brewer. His two colleagues &#8211; James Turley and Andrew Seward &#8211; have both quit their development jobs.
Bature &#8211; pronounced ba-tor-ray and meaning &#8220;white person&#8221; or &#8220;European&#8221; in the Hausa language mainly spoken in northern Nigeria &#8211; started production from its Abuja brewery in June. It now aims to raise 15,000 pounds ($19,500) via the Indiegogo crowdfunding site for a new equipment and a tap room where the public can try Bature brews on site.
The microbrewery&#8217;s ambitions remain modest in the giant market. Bature plans to produce 40,000 to 50,000 liters in the next 12 months.
But its premium price reflects confidence in a class of more affluent drinkers in Nigeria, even when the oil-producing nation&#8217;s economy has been hammered by weak crude prices.
&#8220;There is demand here – some major hotel chains have asked to stock us,&#8221; said Conroy.
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<h3 data-reactid="52">Out of Reach</h3>
Bature&#8217;s 330 ml bottles of beer can cost up to 2,000 naira ($6.37) in a bar, although the founders say a bottle costs 500 naira direct from the brewery.
That compares with Heineken, the market&#8217;s dominant player with a 69 percent share, whose 600 ml bottles can sell for 800 to 1,200 naira each in bars, while Nigeria&#8217;s Star beer goes for 600 to 700 naira for 600 ml.
In a nation with annual gross national income per capita of $2,450, even the big brands &#8211; let alone Bature&#8217;s pricier offerings &#8211; are out of reach of many in a country almost evenly split between Christians and Muslims.
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<div class="Slideshow_preview-container_2LrZm" data-reactid="57">And even major brewers have found it tough to expand as every day prices have surged with the naira&#8217;s devaluation.</div>
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&#8220;The consumer is under enormous duress with that 18 percent, 19 percent inflation on the back of a naira devaluation, and we are seeing disposable income dry up,&#8221; John O&#8217;Keeffe, the Africa president for drinks maker Diageo, told a March conference call.
Nigeria is a major global market for Diageo&#8217;s Guinness brand, the dark, extra stout whose local version comes with a hefty alcohol content of 7.5 percent.
But O&#8217;Keeffe said cheaper &#8220;value&#8221; beers had risen to almost half the market from 26 percent in the past 2-1/2 years. Last year, Diageo scrapped plans to lift its stake in Guinness Nigeria due to tough economic conditions.
Bature is unperturbed. In its effort to appeal to local palates and cut import costs, the microbrewer has sought to use more local ingredients.
Its Independence Day Coffee Stout with 10 percent alcohol content is infused with Nigerian coffee and promises &#8220;to make sure the caffeine kicks like a mule&#8221;, according to the firm&#8217;s website. Bature&#8217;s dark Pepe Porter offers a spicey beer to match the popularity for peppery food in the West African nation.
Bature, which also brews lighter ales, uses Nigerian sorghum for malting mixed with imported hops.
Nigeria may offer a good, long-term punt for brewers. Nigeria&#8217;s per capita beer consumption is about 10 liters a year, compared to a global average of 35-40 liters, said Morgan Stanley analyst Olivier Nicolai.
&#8220;If I was to take a bet over the next 20 years if the market grows or declines I would definitely say it is going to grow, but it is volatile and at the moment you have massive headwinds,&#8221; Nicolai said.
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Reporting by <a href="https://www.reuters.com/journalists/paul-carsten">Paul Carsten</a>
Additional reporting by Martinne Geller in London; Editing by Edmund Blair
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Nigeria: The next frontier for craft beer producers

Author: <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/boniface-dulani-228606">Boniface Dulani</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-cape-town-691">University of Cape Town</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/michael-bratton-178849">Michael Bratton</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/michigan-state-university-1349">Michigan State University</a>
After a year of authoritarian backsliding under <a href="https://theconversation.com/we-need-to-talk-about-zambia-as-it-falls-from-grace-under-president-lungu-77520">President Edgar Lungu</a> in their once-proud democracy, Zambians face a choice of futures. Ordinary citizens are clearly disposed to stand by their democratic ideals and reject dictatorship.
A recent <a href="http://afrobarometer.org/publications/ad157-democracy-in-zambia-at-a-crossroads">survey</a> by Afrobarometer an independent research network that conducts public attitude surveys across the continent, leaves little doubt that most Zambians are dissatisfied as they see their country going in the “wrong direction” and their democracy beginning to erode.
To defend democracy, citizens require an open political environment, and Zambians see that political space closing. Between 2012 and 2017, the proportion of citizens who say they feel “completely” or “somewhat” free to say what they think has declined sharply, from 81% to 62%. On top of this, 72% of Zambians now say that they must “always” or “often” be “careful of what they say about politics,” a proportion that has risen by 10 percentage points over the past five years.
Since 1999, the proportion of citizens who say they enjoy “somewhat” or “much” more freedom of speech “compared to a few years ago” has dropped from 77% to 41%.
Zambia has gone from a country where most people felt free to engage in open political debate to one where most people have begun to look over their shoulders to see who is listening.
But are citizens prepared to stand up to defend democratic rights at this critical juncture? In Zambia, the answer is mixed.
<h2>Mixed feelings</h2>
On one hand, Zambians are fierce defenders of the right to personal privacy: Two-thirds (67%) reject government monitoring of private communications (on mobile phones, for example), even under the pretext of security.
Almost as many (58%) assert that they “should be able to join any organisation, whether or not the government approves of it”. On the other hand, Zambians fall short in resisting other real or potential excesses of presidential power. A slim majority (54%) says
<blockquote>(the government) should be able to prevent the media from publishing things that it considers harmful to society.</blockquote>
Fully 70% say they are willing to accept that,
<blockquote>when faced with threats to public security, the government should be able to impose curfews and set up special roadblocks.</blockquote>
It must be stressed that the April 2017 survey was conducted before Lungu <a href="https://theconversation.com/lungu-tries-to-have-his-cake-and-eat-it-a-state-of-emergency-in-all-but-name-80628">seized extraordinary powers</a>. At that time, few Zambians may have believed that security conditions actually existed that warranted infringements of rights. So these results should not be read as a direct endorsement of the president’s actions.
As in Burundi, where Afrobarometer traced a rise in support for <a href="http://afrobarometer.org/sites/default/files/press-release/burundi/bdi_r6_pr_Burundians_support_democracy_08012015.pdf">term limits </a> as President Pierre Nkurunziza moved to undermine them, it may well be that there has been movement in public opinion since Lungu cracked down.
Figure 5: Popular resistance to emergency measures | Zambia | April 2017*
<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/178799/area14mp/file-20170719-13539-pn4y4n.PNG"><img decoding="async" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/178799/width754/file-20170719-13539-pn4y4n.PNG" alt="" /></a><figcaption>Figure 5.</figcaption></figure>
The questions the respondents were asked include: 
1. Which of the following statements is closest to your view? 
Statement 1: Government should be able to monitor private communications, for example on mobile phones, to make sure that people are not plotting violence. 
Statement 2: People should have the right to communicate in private without a government agency reading or listening to what they are saying. 
2. Which of the following statements is closest to your view? 
Statement 1: The government should be able to ban any organisation that goes against its policies. 
Statement 2: We should be able to join any organisation, whether or not the government approves of it.
<h2>Political attitudes</h2>
As Zambia’s own history demonstrates, a mobilised public can be a powerful force for democratisation. But who will lead public opinion in defence of Zambia’s democracy in 2017?
The data show few important differences between urban and rural residents, or between Internet and social-media users and non-users, when it comes to these political attitudes. Instead, educational achievement is the best marker of difference among Zambians in terms of their willingness to support and defend democracy.
Table 1: Political attitudes by level of education | Zambia | 2017 
No formal education
<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/178801/area14mp/file-20170719-13545-1defwr1.PNG"><img decoding="async" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/178801/width754/file-20170719-13545-1defwr1.PNG" alt="" /></a><figcaption>Table 1.</figcaption></figure>
For some political attitudes, a little education goes a long way. For example, primary schooling seems to sharply step up the likelihood that Zambians will support democracy, reject military and one-man rule, see a need to be careful about what one says about politics, and feel constrained about criticising President Lungu.
In other instances, political attitudes change by increments as respondents gradually attain higher levels of education, with respect to the likelihood that Zambians will, for example, reject one party rule, see the last election as less than free and fair and prefer to limit the president to two terms in office.
Finally, a post-secondary education seems to be required before individuals are able to take on the most demanding understandings of, and commitments to, democracy. For example, majorities of this group tend to recognise recent declines in freedom for the media, NGOs, and opposition parties; oppose efforts by the government to control the mass media and oppose moves by the government to ban independent organisations.
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/81277/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />While Zambians strongly endorse democratic principles, less educated citizens may be prone to underestimate the threats inherent in government takeover of the legislature, courts and the mass media, or to acquiesce to specious arguments that law and order requires the sacrifice of individual liberties.
In that case, the defence of democracy in Zambia depends critically on active political engagement by educated citizens. They have essential roles to play in helping other Zambians to understand that the greatest risk to democracy in the country today comes not from the imminent threat of a military coup but from the gradual erosion of hard-won political gains at the hands of an elected civilian leader bent on expanding his own power.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/boniface-dulani-228606">Boniface Dulani</a>, Senior lecturer in the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at the University of Malawi and Research Associate, Centre for Social Science Research, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-cape-town-691">University of Cape Town</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/michael-bratton-178849">Michael Bratton</a>, University Distinguished Professor of Political Science and African Studies, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/michigan-state-university-1349">Michigan State University</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/zambians-firmly-defend-democracy-but-will-they-stand-up-against-lungu-81277">original article</a>.

Zambians are worried about their democracy. But will they stand up?

DAR ES SALAAM (Reuters) &#8211; Tanzania&#8217;s President John Magufuli has threatened to close down all gold mines in the country if mining companies delay talks with his government aimed at resolving allegations of tax evasion.
The announcement by Magufuli, nicknamed &#8220;the Bulldozer&#8221; for his forceful leadership style, marks a further escalation of a dispute with foreign companies like Acacia Mining over export revenues.
&#8220;We have asked them to come for talks &#8230; they have agreed to come. But if they delay those talks, I will close down all the mines,&#8221; Magufuli told a cheering crowd at a public rally in the northwestern town of Kigoma.
Magufuli has sent shock-waves through the mining community in Africa&#8217;s fourth-largest gold producer since his election late in 2015 with a series of actions he says are aimed at ensuring that mining companies pay a fair share of taxes.
READ: 
<a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/east-africa/2017/07/11/tanzania-mining-laws/">Tanzania’s President Magufuli signs new mining bills into law, this is what has changed 
</a><a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/2017/07/21/tanzania-tells-foreign-acacia-mining-staff-leave/">Tanzania tells foreign Acacia Mining staff to leave 
</a><a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/east-africa/2017/01/03/tanzanias-president-john-magufuli-the-bulldozer/">Tanzania’s President John Magufuli: The bulldozer crushing corruption
</a>The government has accused Acacia Mining, the country&#8217;s biggest gold miner, of evading taxes worth billions of dollars by under-declaring export volume and value of its minerals.

Acacia denies the allegations. The company said on July 4 it was seeking international arbitration to resolve the dispute.    The company&#8217;s decision to seek arbitration came a day after Tanzania passed new laws to increase mining taxes, force companies to re-negotiate their contracts and allow the state to own up to 50 percent of shares in mining companies.
AngloGold Ashanti, which owns Tanzania&#8217;s biggest open-pit mine, Geita, also said last week that it was filing for international arbitration after the overhaul of the mining laws. Barrick Gold Corp., which owns a 63.9 percent stake in Acacia, agreed last month to hold talks with the government to resolve the tax evasion claims against Acacia.
 The talks are yet to begin but officials said they could start &#8220;soon.&#8221;
<div class="DPSlot_container_2dHIN DPSlot_inline_1oeo6 in-article-tag"> The president said he had taken on multinational companies for the sake of the country.</div>
&#8220;I have launched an economic war,&#8221; he told the crowd at the rally.
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Reporting by Fumbuka Ng&#8217;wanakilala; Editing by Duncan Miriri and Jane Merriman
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Tanzania’s President Magufuli threatens to close mines if talks delayed

Linda Ronnie, University of Cape Town &#8211; In the next year or two, the workplace faces an unprecedented situation where for the first time, due to the fact that we’re all living longer, five generations may be working side by side: Veterans (pre-World War II); the Baby Boomers (World War II – 1960s); Generation X (mid-60s – late 1970s); Millennials (aka Generation Y) (1979 – 1991); and last, but not least, the largely unknown factor: Generation Z, born after 1992.
It’s estimated that there are more than 2 billion of Gen Z worldwide. In South Africa, a third of the population is under the age of 21.
It may be too soon to be definitive about the characteristics of this generation, but they are said to be realistic, cause and value driven, entrepreneurial, financially prudent, and have boundless curiosity.
This is the first generation born into a fully technological environment &#8211; a world of being connected, being digital, and having mobile phones or tablets as a matter of course . They’re therefore more advanced in searching for information and figuring things out on their own.
It’s said that Generation Z will have jobs that have not even been created yet. But that’s not the only thing we aren’t sure of. Although there’s some indication of who they are and the influences shaping them, their characters are still forming and their role in the workplace is yet to take shape.
And, let’s face it: organisations are still struggling to analyse the challenge that Millennials pose in the workplace. These include fitting in with organisational culture, their communication style preferences and negative stereotypes of each generation. All these need to be managed in the workplace.
What exactly are they going to do when Generation Z arrives?
Business as usual
Popular wisdom argues for a fairly predictable set of approaches – all of which are wise. And increasingly people are understanding that while there are important differences between generations, they can be complementary and there is a significant opportunity for both ends of the age spectrum to learn from each other.
Listed staffing agency Robert Half asked chief financial offices where the biggest differences (and therefore opportunities for learning) lay between generations in the workplace. Thirty percent said “communication skills”, 26% said “adapting to change”, 23% said “technical skills”, 14% said “cross-departmental collaboration”, and 7% noted “no differences”.
The gist of tried and tested approaches is to:
<ul>
<li>encourage collaboration between generations;</li>
<li>facilitate mentoring;</li>
<li>allow for a cross-pollination of knowledge, where older employees share their experience, and younger employees contribute technological know-how, newer techniques and innovation.</li>
</ul>
It has also been well argued that managers should take the lead in adapting their management style rather than expecting staff to change.
The crucial bridge for Generation Z
But just how different will Generation Z really be? The Millennials (aka Generation Y) has been described more than once as “Generation X on steroids”. All indications are that Generation Z will take this up a notch. Emma Davies, Human Resources Manager for South African construction company ALEC, says the organisation has already experienced this to some extent with work experience students:
They are a very politically aware generation, and they have been taught to question everything, but to do so respectfully. The toddler stage of asking ‘why?’ does not end!
Both inside and outside the workplace, listening skills, patience, tolerance and humility will become more and more crucial for older generations. And two-way mentorship will become even more important than it has been with Millennials.
Generation Y has already pointed to some important changes that need to happen. Because they want involvement and feedback and are generally outspoken they have played a role in creating a more inclusive workplace as teamwork has become central to their work life.
This will be a crucial tool in making the most of the skills of Generation Z. This, combined with their strong communication skills and self-awareness, will emphasise the importance of teamwork.
These integration skills may prove crucial in helping to manage Generation Zs. Millennials, in this sense, may function as a bridge. This isn’t to say it will all be plain sailing, even if older employees are patient and ready to learn from the youngsters.
Generation Y and Z’s desire for connectedness and relationships on the part can be used for more successful mentorships. A desire for learning could also help alleviate tension with Generation Xs, Baby Boomers and Veterans, who may otherwise experience them as disrespectful or arrogant.
Focus on the similarities
But stereotyping needs to be avoided. South African organisations are very familiar with the effects that negative racial stereotyping can have on teams and productivity. They need to guard against the same thing happening with different generations. By fixating on minor differences and taking them out of context, and by failing to appreciate similarities, organisations could be missing an opportunity.
More than that, the differences between generations might be smaller than we think. Research from the University of North Carolina showed that Millennials want the same things as Generation X and Baby Boomers: challenging, meaningful work; opportunities for learning, development and advancement; support to successfully integrate work and personal life; fair treatment and competitive compensation.
And all three generations agreed on the characteristics of an ideal leader – a person who leads by example, is accessible, acts as a coach and mentor, helps employees see how their roles contribute to the organisation, and challenges others and holds them accountable.
The chances are, Generation Z won’t be too far off this mark either.
Respect and common sense is key
Implicit in this list of characteristics of the ideal leader is respect – of self and others. In business, as in life, the fundamentals of mutual respect go a long way in building positive workplace cultures. Respect will be key in managing multiple generations too.
All that’s really needed is a commonsense approach that maintains a focus on individual needs, honours each person’s contribution, and strives to keep older workers engaged alongside newer hires so as to avoid losing institutional knowledge.
It may also help to remember that each generational shift evolves organically – and so, too, will the workplace, if we are open to allowing it to do so.
Linda Ronnie is a Senior Lecturer in Organisational Behaviour and People Management at the University of Cape Town’s Graduate School of Business,

Op-Ed: Here’s why you shouldn’t be worried about Generation Z joining the workforce

Wessel Lemmer, Absa &#8211; Africa will this year continue to be home to some of the fastest-growing cities; thanks to the continent’s large young population seeking jobs and improved livelihoods. However, a key challenge associated with rapidly urbanizing populations is a chronic food insecurity problem that is aggravated by a lack of sufficient property rights, agricultural investment and policy and regulatory uncertainty leading to rising food prices despite access to land and willing producers to cultivate it.
Achieving sustainable food security for both the urban and rural citizens remains an important priority for governments across the continent. Crucially, food security depends not only on a tricky balance between availability and affordability, but also on coordinated partnerships between the various stakeholders in the agricultural sector. Also, it is increasingly becoming important to explore newer and more innovative approaches to successful farming. Urban agriculture is one of the techniques considered to be on the cusp of advancements within the sector, and one that can contribute towards the provision of sustainable access to nutritious food.
The practice involves the growing of farm produce near or around urban cities in the form of gardens provides organic produce to the local community. According a report published by The Sustainable Development Goals Centre for Africa this year, the continent has 65% of the world’s arable land, with food demand in Africa is expected to rise by over 60% by 2050 due to population growth. Simple shifts can result in better efficiencies and environmentally friendly produce that are less prone to climatic changes, and which ultimately has a positive influence on production yields. Community gardens and what is commonly known as co-op’s (co-operatives) can also play a key role in supplementing household budgets, and more importantly, can introduce a wider range of vitamins and minerals into the consumer’s diet.
A healthy and diverse diet, comprising of fresh produce, is imperative for a strong body and mind, and is also essential for enabling Africa’s youthful population to grow into the workforce capable of driving Africa’s economic growth. With half the population being under the age of 25, and 72 percent of these young people seeking employment, agriculture can be a key contributor to economic development[1]. These statistics are only set to grow, with over 330 million young Africans set to enter the job market in the next 20 years[2]. One of the challenges has been attracting young people into the sector and positioning it as an attractive and lucrative career option.
In coping with the food demands of increasing populations, nations such as Nigeria have shifted towards a more intensified and commercialized production system. This shift from the traditional sense of farming has included increased irrigation and modernization of systems, as well as the use of genetically modified seed and fertilizer inputs. In another case study, Zambia, which had a net deficit in maize production a mere decade ago, is now considered a maize exporter with a surplus of grains, all due to an uptake of technology in its farming methods[1].
Another area of opportunity for greater investment in alleviating the vulnerability of crops and livestock, which many nations on the continent need to invest in, is production research. Countries such as Morocco invest heavily in research and development, and new technologies that will assist in increasing yields and quality of production. South Africa, for its part, has the most developed and profitable agricultural sector on the continent. Commercial farms are mainly large-scale, capital intensive and export oriented, accounting for approximately 90 percent of the total agricultural production and covering approximately 86 percent of the country&#8217;s cropland. However, the South Africa’s agricultural sector is also taking strain from insufficient investment into agricultural infrastructure, research and development, as well as education and training programmes particularly for farmers that are starting out.
What is clear is that while Africa has leapfrogged within industries such as financial payments and telecommunications, the continent is yet to flex its muscle in providing grains and proteins that will feed not only its citizens, but also those in other parts of the world. If agriculture is to improve its contribution to economic development and the achievement of sustainable and secure food supply systems on the continent, key stakeholders have to be much more coordinated in their partnerships, not only within countries but also within the various regions of the continent. Ultimately, new approaches and partnerships among the many, but disconnected stakeholders, must be encouraged and strengthened if we are to curb hunger and malnourishment in Africa.
Lemmer is a Senior Agricultural Economist at Absa Bank. These comments were delivered at an Agriculture &amp; Food Security panel discussion recently hosted by Absa, the Oliver &amp; Adelaide Tambo Foundation as well as the University of Fort Hare.

New approaches, sustainable partnerships needed to enhance food security in Africa

PRETORIA, July 20 (Reuters) &#8211; Below are comments from South African Reserve Bank Governor Lesetja Kganyago on Thursday as he announced the central bank&#8217;s latest decision on its benchmark repo rate.
<a href="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/MPC-Statement-20-July-2017-.pdf">MPC-Statement-20-July-2017-</a>
Decision
&#8220;Given the improved inflation outlook and the deteriorated growth outlook, the MPC has decided to reduce the repurchase rate by 25 basis points with effect from 21 July 2017, to 6.75 percent per annum.&#8221;
Growth
&#8220;The forecast for 2017 has been adjusted down from 1.0 percent to 0.5 percent and the forecast for 2018 is down from 1.5 percent to 1.2 percent.
&#8220;Domestic growth prospects have deteriorated further following the surprise GDP contraction in the first quarter of 2017. The economy has now recorded two successive quarter of negative growth, and although a near-term improvement is expected, the outlook remains challenging.
&#8220;While positive growth is expected in the second quarter, the Bank&#8217;s annual growth forecasts have been revised down further.
&#8220;Policy uncertainty, a recent example being in the mining sector, is likely to constrain investment.&#8221;
Inflation
&#8220;Since the previous meeting of the Monetary Policy Committee the inflation outlook has improved. Food price inflation has moderated faster than expected, domestic demand pressures remain subdued and international oil prices have declined.&#8221;
Rand
&#8220;Despite a degree of volatility, the rand exchange rate has been relatively resilient in the face of expected monetary policy tightening in some advanced economies, as well as domestic political risks and uncertainties. Risks to the inflation outlook still remain.
&#8220;The rand&#8217;s relative resilience had been underpinned by the generally positive sentiment towards emerging markets, as well as by sustained trade surpluses.
&#8220;The rand has also been affected by [changing ECB and US monetary policy expectations] as well as by domestic political developments, including concerns about a proposal to change the SARB&#8217;s monetary policy mandate.&#8221; (Reporting by Olivia Kumwenda-Mtambo and TJ Strydom; Editing by James Macharia)

SA Reserve Bank cuts rates

A Nigerian court has ordered that a $37.5 million property owned by former oil minister Diezani Alison-Madueke be seized, the state news agency said, as she faces charges of corruption and money laundering.
The U.S. Justice Department filed a civil complaint last Friday aimed at recovering about $144 million in assets allegedly obtained through bribes to Alison-Madueke, petroleum minister from 2010 to 2015 under the presidency of Goodluck Jonathan.
Alison-Madueke&#8217;s whereabouts are unclear, but she was last known to be in Britain.
In April, she was charged in absentia with money laundering by Nigeria&#8217;s financial crimes agency. She had previously denied to Reuters any wrongdoing when questioned about missing public funds and corruption allegations.
On Wednesday the Federal High Court in the commercial capital Lagos issued the order over Alison-Madueke&#8217;s property in the city&#8217;s upmarket Banana Island district which she bought in 2013, the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) said.
It also ordered a temporary freeze on sums of $2.74 million and 84.54 million naira ($269,000) that were said to be part of the rent collected on the property.
The temporary seizure orders were made following an application to the court by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).
Anselem Ozioko, the barrister representing EFCC, told the court that the financial crimes agency suspected the property was acquired with the proceeds of alleged illegal activities.
($1 = 314.5000 naira)
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Reporting by Alexis Akwagyiram; Editing by Hugh Lawson
</div>

Nigerian court orders seizure of former oil minister’s $37.5M property

Africa&#8217;s major central banks are entering an easing cycle as they try to stimulate growth after months of drought, austerity drives and confidence issues across the continent, a Reuters poll found on Thursday.
Much of southern and eastern Africa is still recovering after an El Niño-related drought wilted crops last year. Poor business confidence in South Africa and foreign exchange restrictions in Nigeria have also hampered growth.
&#8220;We expect that African monetary policy is entering a widespread and protracted period of policy easing. This will provide a boost to growth,&#8221; said John Ashbourne, Africa analyst at Capital Economics.
Ghana, which agreed a three-year fiscal discipline deal with the International Monetary Fund in exchange for aid in 2015, cut 100 basis points from its benchmark interest rate in May and is expected to do the same on Monday, putting it at 21.50 percent.
Medians in the poll predict South Africa will make a first quarter trim of 25 basis points to 6.75 percent and while Kenya will hold steady on Monday it is expected to cut 100 basis points to 9.00 percent in the second quarter of next year.
Nigeria is expected to hold rates at 14.0 percent on Tuesday, and through this year, but will reduce borrowing costs by 175 basis points across 2018.
<h3 data-reactid="36">Battered Confidence Chips at Growth</h3>
Aly-Khan Satchu, CEO of Nairobi-based Rich Management said policymakers in Africa&#8217;s biggest economies have lost credibility and it would be difficult to regain that.
To try to reduce demand for dollars, Nigeria banned the importing of 41 items, but that only fueled the gap between the official and black market rates for its naira currency.
The policy, alongside a commodity price slump that hurt oil exports, has since 2015 forced its central bank to hike the benchmark rate 300 basis points to 14 percent as it tried to deal with much faster inflation and restore the currency&#8217;s strength.
Nigeria &#8212; Africa&#8217;s biggest economy &#8212; fell into recession for the first time in 25 years in 2016 but is expected to turn in growth of 1.0 percent this year and 2.5 percent the following.
South Africa is expected to expand 0.7 percent this year after escaping a six-month recession last quarter that was partly due to weak confidence and drought.
Confidence in South Africa&#8217;s economy has been sapped by the chopping and changing of finance ministers four time since the end of 2015 by President Jacob Zuma. The last change in March triggered a credit rating downgrade to &#8220;junk&#8221; status.
Kenya is expected to grow 5.2 percent this year and 5.9 percent next.
Growth slowed to 4.7 percent in the first quarter, hit by a credit slow down after authorities late last year capped the interest banks could charge on loans.
However, Ghana is expected to fare better than most, growing 6.1 and 6.8 percent in 2017 and 2018 respectively, supported by the IMF program, recovering from 3.5 percent last year.
On Tuesday, President Nana Akufo-Addo said Ghana would not extend its three-year aid program with the IMF beyond April 2018, but the fund urged it to do so to allow time to complete the program&#8217;s goals.
<div class="Attribution_attribution_o4ojT" data-reactid="47">
Editing by Jonathan Cable/Jeremy Gaunt
</div>

Africa’s major central banks embarking on policy easing cycle

The board of South Africa&#8217;s state-run power utility Eskom will pursue disciplinary action against former acting chief executive, Matshela Koko, who allegedly violated procurement rules, the company said on Wednesday.
Eskom&#8217;s moves come against the backdrop of growing graft, governance and financial concerns regarding South Africa&#8217;s public companies, whose woes are pressuring the Treasury at a time when the economy is stuck in a recession.
Eskom&#8217;s executives also denied at its annual results presentation that it was financially stressed and said it would look to seek funding options without the traditional government guarantees it has enjoyed. The firm provides virtually all of the power for Africa&#8217;s most industrialised economy.
Eskom&#8217;s results were due to be released last week but were delayed after it said external auditors had raised &#8220;two reportable irregularities&#8221;.
One of these related to Koko, who allegedly violated procurement rules by giving contracts to a firm where his stepdaughter was a director.
The company&#8217;s finances have also been under the spotlight but chief financial officer Anoj Singh said: &#8220;With the information we have at hand we cannot describe Eskom as financially stressed&#8221;.
The company said it has secured 53 percent of the funding it required for its 2017/18 financial year, which runs to the end of March. It&#8217;s net profit fell by 83 percent last year to 1 billion rand ($77 million).
($1 = 12.9193 rand)
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Additional reporting by Mfuneko Toyana; Writing by Ed Stoddard; Editing by James Macharia
</div>

Eskom to take action against former acting CEO

Nigeria&#8217;s telecoms regulator has approved Etisalat Nigeria&#8217;s name change after its Middle East parent pulled out following regulatory intervention to save the local company from collapse due to debt, the company said.
The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) has been notified of the new name, 9mobile, the company said, adding that Etisalat Nigeria had started the process of rebranding. The company is due to unveil the new brand on Wednesday.
&#8220;Etisalat Nigeria wishes to inform its over 20 million subscribers, government, regulatory agencies &#8230; the telecommunication company has changed its name to 9mobile,&#8221; 9mobile said.
The move was to ensure business continuity of Nigeria&#8217;s fourth largest telecom operator, it said in a statement.
Etisalat Nigeria had been in talks with its lenders to restructure a $1.2 billion debt after it missed repayments but the discussions failed to produce a deal, forcing the banks to step in.
UAE&#8217;s Etisalat terminated its management agreement with its Nigerian business in June and gave it three weeks to phase out the brand after it had to surrender its 45 percent stake to a trustee because of the debt crisis.
Under Nigeria&#8217;s telecoms law, the NCC has to approve a transfer of telecoms licences or any new investor in a telecoms company with more than 10 percent of the shares.
Etisalat Nigeria&#8217;s lenders have now taken control and appointed a new team to manage the company with a focus on getting it back to profitability while working to eventually raise new capital.
<div class="Attribution_attribution_o4ojT" data-reactid="46">
Editing by David Clarke
</div>

Telecoms regulator approves Etisalat Nigeria name change

Sekou Toure Otondi | University of Nairobi
As Kenya’s general election beckons the race has effectively narrowed down to two horses. Either, opposition leader Raila Odinga , or incumbent Uhuru Kenyatta will be Kenya’s president after August 8.
The bid for State House has attracted eight presidential contenders in total. But in recent weeks the focus has shifted to Odinga’s National Super Alliance and Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party, both of which have recently unveiled their manifestos.
While the manifestos look good on paper, depending on one’s political leaning, they are unlikely to have a significant impact on how Kenyans will cast their votes. The majority of the electorate have already decided on their preferred candidate. Most will vote on the basis of their tribal affiliations. The latest polling by Infotrak shows that only 8% of Kenyans are undecided on which presidential aspirant to vote for.
Despite the fact that party manifestos will not shift voting patterns, they do provide a policy snapshot of what the parties would prioritise were they to form the next government.
The fact that neither the Jubilee Party nor the National Super Alliance manifesto takes much account of relations between Kenya and its peers in the East African Community, is noteworthy. And disturbing.
A study of the two manifestos shows that neither has a coherent plan for regional integration. This should concern Kenyans, as well as the country’s neighbours.
Relations between Kenya and its neighbours aren’t as they could be. A few months ago cabinet secretary for foreign affairs Amina Mohamed accused Kenya’s neighbours of not backing her candidature for the chairmanship of the African Union commission. Uganda openly disputed the claims, which only served to bring more attention to the suspicions.
More concerning are the increasingly unpredictable relations between Kenya and Tanzania. Even as the campaign heats up a diplomatic row is raging between the two countries.
Tanzania and Kenya are key actors in the EAC integration process. According to the 2016 Kenya economic report, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda account for the largest intra-trade volumes within the EAC sub-region.
Therefore, Tanzania’s protectionist tendencies, which include both tariff and non-tariff barriers, not only threaten free trade within the community, but also encourage other states to place their own national interests before those of the union.
Tanzania’s overt nationalism is likely to stymie the integration process. Thus the need for Kenya and Tanzania to quietly resolve their differences before they escalate into an open diplomatic row.
<h2>Fractious regional relations</h2>
There have long been cracks in East Africa’s fledgling union.
Since the 2013 general election that ushered in the Jubilee administration, Kenya’s engagement in the community has become increasingly low key. The result was the formation of an informal coalition of the willing, which included Rwanda, Uganda, and Kenya. It’s goal was the fast-tracking of regional integration through large scale regional infrastructure projects. These countries came together in reaction to Tanzania’s lukewarm approach to community affairs. At the time the informal coalition was formed, Tanzania was under the leadership of President Jakaya Kikwete.
Following the election of President John Pombe Magufuli in 2015, Kenya’s engagement with Tanzania has slackened even further. The cold relations between the two countries is partially explained by the diplomatic charm offensive that Magufuli launched to restore Tanzania’s influence in the region. His efforts scuttled the coalition of the willing and sidelined Kenya within the bloc.
A potent and noxious mix of competing interests have aggravated the frosty relationship between Kenya and Tanzania. There is stiff competition between the two countries to host large scale regional projects. There have also been disagreements over trade deals.
The standoff is threatening the integration process because the other community members are finding that they have to align themselves with either Kenya or Tanzania. This is getting in the way of joint decision making.
A highlight of the competing views in the region surfaced during the signing of the European Union/East African Community economic partnership agreement when Kenya and Tanzania once again took opposing views.
Tanzania has always opposed the trade deal on the grounds that it was contrary to its national economic interest. Kenya’s view is that Tanzania wants to scuttle the economic progress of the east African bloc.
<h2>Tensions fuelled by elections</h2>
Differing points of view between political elites in the region have also contributed to dampened community relations. Whenever one of the member states goes into an election, other community leaders will align with either the opposition or the incumbent. These alignments are usually based on personal relationships rather than common ideology.
Forming alignments based on a shared ideology would indicate that the integration process was on course. More so because the East African Community’s ultimate objective is to form a political union and a shared ideology would go a long way to that end. But, instead of staking cross-border political support on ideology or regional policy frameworks, support continues to be pegged on personal relationships.
This is detrimental to the integration process. In 1977, the first East African Community suffered a similar fate when it collapsed under the burden of personal differences between leaders in the bloc.
Nevertheless, the political goodwill of individual elites in community governments cannot be gainsaid. Politicians will always be at the centre of the policy that governs the integration process.
It’s on this basis that I argue for the inclusion of more detailed East African Community-related policy in the manifestos of Kenya’s main political outfits. Whoever forms the next government needs to factor in the big matter of community integration.

Op-Ed: Why it  matters that regional integration has taken a back seat in Kenya’s election

&nbsp;
A few months ago, a <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Kcv4Hes8iHg">video</a> in which a street boy blamed bad leadership for Nigeria’s socio-economic problems, went viral on social media in the country. He called for a mass burial of the country’s political elite, which in his opinion, would help combat corruption and unlock the country’s potential.
His view echoes the inner and hidden sentiments many people living in African countries have about their leaders.
The reasons for this are not hard to find. Most African leaders have done little to improve the welfare of their people, who are very poor, while they, and their cronies, live in opulence.
The rot goes all the way through the political chain to elected and appointed public officers – starting with political parties. Party financiers and godfathers dictate who holds what public office without regard for competence and internal democracy. They ultimately dictate how state affairs and funds are managed with barely a distinction between public and private funds. So, elections don’t seem to help, mainly as the politicians are the same. Despite African political parties espousing different ideologies and launching welfare manifestos, nothing really changes when governments change.
Corruption is prevalent throughout the continent. Tied to this is the fact that anti-corruption efforts fail because of a lack of honest and accountable leaders. Many have co-opted democratic systems, such as regular elections, or they simply make up the rules as they go along to stay in power. Behind it all lies an insatiable appetite for money, and the realisation that power can deliver untold wealth. In these scenarios, played out across dozens of countries on the continent, the state (and the people) are sacrificed to greed.
And those brave enough to stand up and be counted are driven out – either literally or figuratively.
<h2>Ubiquitous corruption</h2>
Every year about USD$50 billion is lost through illicit transfers. Not only does this hold back the continent’s socio-economic progress, it also threatens peace, security and stability.
A recent study found that in Sokoto State, Nigeria, corruption facilitates the spread of radical ideology and induces about 70% of the youth to join Boko Haram, a group which killed 11,885 civilians between 2011 and 2016.
Whereas the ubiquity and repercussions of corruption in Africa have been widely articulated, the fight against it seems to be a fleeting illusion.
Anti-corruption measures mainly revolve around legislating to tighten loopholes, strengthening anti-corruption institutions, and empowering the media and citizens to report or stand up against malfeasance.
But the success of these measures depend on the often overlooked but crucial role of good leadership.
Willing, able and visionary leaders are required to push through sweeping reforms to curb corruption and augment public accountability. Unfortunately, such leadership is lacking in Africa.
<h2>Leadership vacuum</h2>
Africa is home to despots and sit-in presidents who either abuse their power or allow abuses to be perpetrated. Countries are run like family property and political dynasties are created by fathers passing power to sons. Checks and balances are weak, dissent is crashed, and alternative views are discarded, culminating in low accountability which further deteriorates leadership and reinforces corruption.
One would expect multiparty democracy and its associated principles to produce visionary and effective leaders, but this is rarely the case in Africa. While elections are held and leaders are changed at the ballot, things usually remain the same. Oftentimes, policies and corrupt practices which were criticised by political leaders while in opposition suddenly become right and justifiable when they win power.
In essence, there may be new faces in government, but the status quo does not change. The big question is, why?
<h2>Politics and money</h2>
Politics in Africa is synonymous with wealth, whether acquired legally or otherwise. Hence, the scramble for power can be intense and sometimes dangerous. The expectation of quick riches increases internal competition for party candidature, which often requires deal making and vote buying.
And failure to align with the party establishment can prevent members from ascending the party hierarchy.
Party members are socialised in the same way, mainly to do whatever is necessary to win power by fair or foul means, and those who dare to think or behave differently are sidelined, sabotaged or expelled.
<h2>Political party financing and corruption</h2>
At the core of Africa’s corruption and leadership problems is opaqueparty financing. In most countries, parties rely on private funding from individuals and organisations. But regulations on financial disclosure are either non-existent or ineffective, which allows wealthy individuals, known as godfathers, to wield significant influence, mainly for their benefit but to the detriment of the state.
Even leaders perceived to be strong-willed can find it hard to withstand the pressures.
In an interview in 2016, Nigeria’s first lady, Aisha Buhari, stated that her husband does not know all of his appointees, which shows how a president can be the face of mightier but invisible forces.
In South Africa, President Jacob Zuma stands accused of being a stooge of the wealthy Gupta family.
These examples attest to how African leaders can be controlled from behind the scenes by vested interests and crooked godfathers. In some cases, the leaders are incapable of addressing the excesses of their sponsors, leading to anarchy and recklessness.
<h2>Being different is political suicide</h2>
There is a popular idiom: “do not bite the hands that feed you”. Indeed, anecdotal evidence suggests that this is true for African leaders. There is a high chance that leaders who act against the interests of their party establishment, financiers and godfathers, even for the benefit of the state, will not last long. The same applies to their policies.
So what’s the way forward? Africa must regulate political party financing and strengthen state institutions such as electoral commissions to enforce compliance.
Until then, most leaders on the continent will continue to be prone to capture and control by powerful and parochial godfathers. And the looting of public funds won’t stop.

Op-Ed: Why African citizens are fed up with politicians

If we were to think of Silicon Valley, and our own innovations and start-ups, as countries, we might be able to capitalise on the kind of thinking that makes Silicon Valley so successful, writes Nnamdi Oranye.
California, where Silicon Valley resides, has a bigger economy than most nations of the world. In fact, the World Bank in 2016 rated it as the sixth biggest economy on the globe. That’s one State in all of America. And within this State resides states of their own, if you will – countries, nations that cross borders, generate revenue in almost every border of the world, and connect people across geographic regions in new, unthinkable ways. These are the countries of Silicon Valley, and the big five of them are undoubtedly Facebook, Google, Apple, Uber and Amazon.
If you were to think of Facebook as a country, it would be the most populous on earth, with 1.86 billion people logging onto the network each month. We could think of that as 1.86 billion living, active users &#8211; effectively, Facebook’s citizens. That’s more than China’s entire population (about 1.4 billion). It’s more than India’s (about 1.3 billion).
Facebook’s users are more than the U.S. population itself, which comes in at about 0.3 billion, where the company comes from. Facebook’s biggest problem is that there will eventually not be enough people in the world who will actually log on and use it, so how will it grow? It’s still banned in China, but who knows for how much longer?
<h4>Facebook&#8217;s Free Basics for African users</h4>
To get Africans on board and increase its user base, Facebook is, therefore, finding ways to help us all get online. Through a partnership with Eutelsat, it’s looking to offer a connected experience that it calls Free Basics (see internet.org), which already operates in several countries across the globe and has partnered with MTN and other telecommunications in Africa. This has come with some controversy.
Its plan is clearly to get everyone on the planet logged on and connected &#8211; and at 1.39 billion users logging on every month, it doesn’t seem as if it is just dreaming. If you consider Facebook’s earnings of USD $8.81 billion (Q4 2016), and you compare this to other country GDP’s, you see it’s richer than many of the countries of the world!
Google isn’t far behind. If it were a country, it would probably be the third biggest in the world. In 2016, it reported that it has now more than one billion active users on Gmail. YouTube, Maps, Google Play, and Chrome also have more than one billion active users. And this doesn’t account for active users on the Google search engine or users of its other products. In the same year, it reported it had reached 3.3 trillion searches in a year.
<h4>Only 60 countries&#8217; GDP beat Google&#8217;s revenue</h4>
There are more than 1.6 billion Android devices in the market (2017). Alphabet, the holding company of Google, reported USD $21.33 billion in revenue in 2016; 24.8 billion in the first quarter of 2017. It outstrips even more nations than Facebook if you had to compare GDP with Google’s revenue. In fact, only just over 60 countries in the world beat it &#8211; while the rest trail behind.
In 2015, its revenue for the year was better than 33 of the world’s poorest countries combined, meaning – as reported by Investopedia – that its wealth exceeded roughly 18 percent of the global GDP. It’s not the biggest multi-national corporation there is, and that in itself is saying something.
Where does Whatsapp sit in all this? The messaging app boasted 1.2 billion active users a month in January 2017. If you consider that Whatsapp is owned by Facebook, you can begin to see just how much Facebook would dominate if it were a country. And then let’s not forget Instagram with 600 million users at the end of 2016 &#8211; which is also owned by Facebook.
<h4>Totally different to how we normally do things in an African context</h4>
These are nations within all of our nations. Realising this stark fact puts things in an interesting perspective. It’s a good thought exercise to think beyond the stats and consider the philosophy behind this, consider what it means to have nations of this size within your own nation, linked to your next-door neighbours and across the world. When you think of these innovations as countries you can see the type of service they provide, and the way they provide their service, is totally different to how we normally do things in an African context. The regulatory framework is different. The approach to technology is different. The way they view themselves, and their citizens, is different. What this means is if we were to
The regulatory framework is different. The approach to technology is different. The way they view themselves, and their citizens, is different. What this means is if we were to try compete with the likes of Uber, for example, we can&#8217;t compete in the way we usually do with other countries: with borders and regulation and certain security approaches, and so on. We have to start to think of things like VISA-less borders and we have to come to grips with what our response to that sort of thing is — what our regulatory framework will actually be. This regulatory framework has to be totally new, it can’t just incorporate a ‘business-as-usual’ approach.
<h4>Globalism taken to the next level</h4>
The sheer connected nature of these Silicon Valley companies — the way in which they truly want to connect us — speaks volumes into this, and is truly globalism gone next level. Consider Google / Alphabet’s plans. It has been developing its driverless, ‘smart’ car for some time now, and expects to release this to the consumer market by 2020. It’s investing in healthcare. Android phones and Android watches are telling us about how healthy and active we are being. You can see where Google is going with that. And no doubt, through collecting all the information Google does about you, it will (in my opinion) look to start health insurance or other kinds of insurance too. (Amazon, too, just announced this last week that it’s thinking of going into pharmaceuticals, so this is clearly a market Silicon Valley wants to
And no doubt, through collecting all the information Google does about you, it will (in my opinion) look to start health insurance or other kinds of insurance too. (Amazon, too, just announced this last week that it’s thinking of going into pharmaceuticals, so this is clearly a market Silicon Valley wants to cannibalise). Facebook and Google have plans to get the world online via satellite, or Google’s connected blimps in the sky.
Google along with Levi’s just released a jacket in the last few months to the market with ‘gesture-sensing fabric’ which effectively lets you control your phone by just touching your jacket. Google has been making headway into the ‘connected home’ concept with its Nest products, and others. So the plan is simple: make everything connected, from your watch to your phone to your car to your home to your clothes. Google wants to create a new ecosystem. Facebook wants to, too. Amazon, on the other hand, just wants to own everything.
<h4>How we need to think of our own innovations differently</h4>
“Ecosystem” is the key for me in how we need to think of our innovations, as I’ve argued elsewhere. But more than this, if we are looking at the economies of these companies and thinking of ourselves as African nations in comparison to them, we must realise that we cannot see technology innovations as ‘start-ups’. We have to think of them as more than that.
We have to think of our own innovations, and innovators, as developing nations and ecosystems within our nations. We have to open our borders to them, so they can think Pan-African from the start. We only tend to think of our innovations as ‘tech’, but we have to think consider them as countries all of their own.
Acha Leke, director at McKinsey and Company and a member of the World Economic Forum (WEF) Global Agenda on Africa, represents, in my opinion, one way we need to be thinking about this. He is actively campaigning for visa-less borders in Africa, for the recently launched African Union passport. He believes this will accelerate socio-economic growth; boosting tourism revenue and increasing intra-African trade.
As he said at Oxford in 2015, “We are the second fastest growing continent in the world, and Africa offers the second highest return of investment of any region in the world.” What this means is that if we can make our borders more open, we can make it so much easier for our innovators to expand across Africa and get even more investment with effectively less hassle, and that will benefit us all. We will create a more integrated market, make it more efficient for business, open up opportunities, which all will promote greater stability and investment.
<h4>The kind of prosperity these Silicon Valley companies enjoy is what we really need</h4>
Silicon Valley does not think within borders. It&#8217;s kind of connected thinking that creates a better “working together” and the kind of prosperity these Silicon Valley companies enjoy is what we really need, I believe. You can see the same thinking employed in China’s open-source philosophy that has helped it to innovate so quickly – a philosophy that is highlighted by China’s very different take on patent laws.
If we want to prevent Silicon Valley from not only capitalising on our opportunities but also our current markets, we have to start thinking a bit like them while thinking about our context at the same time. For example, I’ve been saying for some time that Facebook can cannibalise our telecommunications industries. Take a look at the Telecom Infrastructure Project, a consortium led by Facebook and launched at Mobile World Congress last year; and also take a look at its Voyager project; and also just think about the fact that Whatsapp is processing 100 million calls a day. It is poised to sweep the rug under the carpet of every telecoms company in the world, including Africa. The problem is I don’t think we’re ready for it.
We need to be creating a new ecosystem for us as Africans through our own innovations, and working with these Silicon Valley innovations, our way. Along with the tremendous positive the likes of Google and Facebook can bring to help connect us, they can also bring significant negative in the forms of where the revenue generated will all be going, what happens to all the jobs that can be lost, and how it develops our own skills for the future. We have a serious challenge before us and we need to rise up to it now.

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