An Angolan opposition party, CASA-CE, said on Monday it will use a computer program to minimize the chances of ballot-rigging in next Wednesday&#8217;s election.
The country&#8217;s main two opposition parties, National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) and Broad Convergence for the Salvation of Angola – Electoral Coalition (CASA-CE), have complained of irregularities in the electoral process.
The People&#8217;s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which has ruled Angola since independence from Portugal in 1975, is expected to win this week&#8217;s election.
CASA-CE&#8217;s program, presented to media in Luanda on Monday, will calculate results based on data from delegates at polling stations.
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This will enable them to pick up potential discrepancies, such as between votes cast and numbers of registered voters at polling stations, its supporters say.
CASA-CE said it will have members at each polling station to observe voting and will be able to release its results through social media as they become available &#8211; meaning it might publish results ahead of the official announcement.
A spokesperson for the National Electoral Commission (CNE), which has promised the vote will be fair, had no immediate comment to make.
&#8220;Our system will not just allow us to verify the process, but Angolans and the world can verify what is happening here,&#8221; said Leonel Gomes, secretary general of the CASA-CE.
It remains unclear whether the electoral commission will release results to party delegates at polling stations or process them regionally.
With Angola in the midst of an economic crisis caused by a fall in oil prices, opposition parties sense a political opportunity.
The CASA-CE, founded just months before the previous election in 2012, believes it can build on the 6 percent it secured then, drawing support from younger voters disenfranchised by Angola&#8217;s main parties which fought on opposite sides in the 27-year civil war.
Some polling forecasts shows CASA-CE overtaking UNITA.
&#8220;We were not aggressors in the civil war … The youth which suffered a lot, especially the older ones, with the problems of the war, look for a modern political force,&#8221; said Andre Mendes de Carvalho, CASA-CE’s candidate for vice-president.
The CASA-CE has promised to fight corruption, improve literacy through better education and reform healthcare.
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Reporting by Stephen Eisenhammer; Editing by Richard Balmforth
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Angolan opposition party to publish own count of election results

Botswana has granted Tlou Energy a mining licence for its Lesedi coal-bed methane (CBM) project, the company&#8217;s managing director said on Monday, paving way for what would be the southern African nation&#8217;s first gas-to-power plant.
&#8220;The awarding of the mining licence by the ministry is a major milestone for the company, further derisks the project, and is an important prerequisite to developing the first commercial gas-to-power project in the country,&#8221; Tlou Managing Director Tony Gilby said in a statement.
Coal-bed methane is a form of natural gas trapped in underground coal seams.
Tlou said it had received a request for proposal from the Botswana government to provide up to 100 megawatts (MW) of CBM power from its Lesedi project.
Botswana currently has two coal-fired power plants with a capacity to produce up to 720 MW and plans to add another 500MW in the next three years through coal, gas and solar power.
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Writing by Olivia Kumwenda-Mtambo
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Botswana grants Tlou Energy licence for coal-bed methane project

Mlenga Jere and Raymond van Niekerk | University of Cape Town
More than 20 years after democracy it seems incredible that a leading South African insurance company, Outsurance would put out a Father’s Day advertisement which featured mostly white dads. If their marketing team didn’t see the problem, citizens on social media certainly did and helped the company to see the error of its ways – and fast.
Within hours of screening the advertisement, a twitter storm had broken out and the commercial was retracted. Outsurance issued an apology for any offence caused. It was a quick and decisive response – which is generally the right way to respond in a crisis – spoiled only by the fact that the company subsequently laid the blame at the door of a “junior lady” on the social media team.
The Outsurance experience underlines the growing importance of social media in branding. Branding scholars Chiranjeev Kohli and Anuj Kapoor point out that:
Outsurance isn’t the only firm to have been caught in a social media storm. Uber’s CEO Travis Kalanick was forced to step down after a prolonged online assault leading to a “shareholder revolt”. London based public relations firm, Bell Pottinger, had to lock its twitter handle recently because it had been twitter bombed by South Africans outraged at the firm’s service to the controversial Gupta family.
Another South African business, the family restaurant franchise Spur, suffered considerable brand damage after a video showing an altercation between a (white) man and a (black) woman at a Johannesburg outlet went viral, causing a racially charged firestorm. Spur was castigated from different directions for mishandling the matter.
These cases show how social media gives consumers the ability to influence business behaviour. But, we argue, this power should be channelled in a constructive way to affect lasting change.
<h2>A new kind of activism</h2>
There are many examples of deliberate online anti-brand behaviours targeting well-known brands such as American Express, Coca Cola, and Wal-Mart. Widely respected New York Times technology columnist Farhad Manjoo recently noted, that online campaigns against brands have become a powerful force in business by handing power to consumers. It has also given birth to a new kind of political activism:
<blockquote>Posting a hashtag and threatening to back it up by withholding dollars can bring about a much quicker, more visible change in the world than, say, calling your representative.</blockquote>
This is of course not good news to most corporations, businesses and politicians. Those operating in the public domain know the importance of protecting their reputation and fear the power of social media. Many organisations pay research companies for daily feedback on how their brand is perceived. In addition to newspaper clippings and magazine articles, they also have to sift through thousands of tweets and emails.
Not all negative comments deserve to be dealt with publicly. Some outrage may be the result of a vindictive individual or interest groups with less honourable intentions. Responding to comments such as these may only fan the fire, doing more harm than good.
But the power of social media is such that even a falsehood can cause immense damage, ruining businesses and individuals. Social media can awaken the mob mentality in people. All that’s required is for people to become angry – and have access to a medium where they can be relatively anonymous and vent their fury.
Social media brings out the best and the worst in people. On the one hand, it gives the power to do untold damage. On the other it can be used to do tremendous good.
<h2>Disciplining business</h2>
Take the case of American airline United Airlines. The video of how security dragged Dr David Dao off a flight in April 2017 after he refused to leave his seat when he was selected to be bumped off due to overbooking went viral on the Internet.
Millions of people saw Dr Dao being dragged, bleeding and injured, off the plane. There was an enormous backlash from consumers slamming the airline – and other airlines – for the practice of overbooking.
The consequences of all the anger led to the airline revising its policy and operations and spilled over into wider investigations into general procedures at airlines. This resulted in new legislation being drafted in the US, which could prevent airlines from forcibly removing passengers seated on an overbooked flight and providing compensation for those not allowed to board.
<h2>A double-edged sword</h2>
Social media is here to stay – if anything its use is set to become more sophisticated. According to Pew Internet Research, YouTube reaches more 18- to 34-year-olds than any cable network in the US, 76% of Facebook users visited the site daily last year with over 1.6 billion daily visitors, and 51% of Instagram users engage with the platform daily. These trends are spreading across the globe.
Users may also become more discerning about which sites they visit and how often. For companies, this means a need to remain vigilant and being aware of how to react appropriately. They undoubtedly stand to profit as well – through clever marketing campaigns that make use of social media platforms.
But the biggest winners could be consumers – should they learn to properly use the power of social media to organise into interest groups, define objectives and agree on courses of action – thereby exerting pressure on companies to see the kind of change in corporations that they would like to see in society as well.
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This article was published on The Conversation.

South African social media is giving consumers power to discipline corporations

AngloGold Ashanti&#8217;s chief executive has not ruled out the possibility of separating the gold miner&#8217;s South African assets from the rest of the portfolio but said its debt remained too high.
&#8220;Our position hasn&#8217;t changed, we never say never, however the debt levels still remain significantly high to enable a clean split to happen,&#8221; said CEO Srinivasan Venkatakrishnan on Monday.
Reuters reported on Friday that AngloGold was considering reviving efforts to split South African assets and list the international portfolio in London after shareholders revolted against a similar effort in 2014.
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Reporting by Zandi Shabalala, editing by Louise Heavens
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AngloGold Ashanti debt too high for split of assets: CEO

Gerhard Kemp | Stellenbosch University
Grace Mugabe, the wife of President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, is accused of assaulting a young woman while on a visit to South Africa. A week after the incident in a hotel in Sandton, Johannesburg’s upmarket central business district, a South African government minister announced that she had been granted diplomatic immunity. She has subsequently returned to Zimbabwe without any attempt by the South African Police Service to arrest her.
The incident has sparked a furious debate about whether she should have been granted immunity, and what this means for the victim of the alleged assault.
At the time of the alleged assault Grace Mugabe was on a private, not official, visit to South Africa. She wasn’t granted immunity before her visit and it’s not clear on what basis she’s now been granted it. Normally diplomatic immunity is granted to an individual envoy by prior agreement, or by the Minister of International Relations if it is in the interests of a country.
Since it is conceivable that Grace Mugabe might visit South Africa again in future it’s worth reviewing the rules, considerations and implications of diplomatic immunity.
<h2>Rules governing diplomatic immunity</h2>
Grace Mugabe was neither a visiting head of state or government, nor a diplomat representing her country – both of which would have qualified her for diplomatic immunity.
There is no basis in customary, conventional international law or domestic law for the spouse of a head of state to claim – as a right or entitlement – some form of immunity when visiting a foreign state.
A foreign state – in this case South Africa – can, of course, grant immunity. But there’s a legal framework that governs this. In her case, as the spouse of a foreign head of state, she could be granted immunity from the criminal and civil jurisdiction of the courts in South Africa if, for instance, she was on a visit as an envoy of her country to attend an international conference, or if she was accompanying her husband on an official visit. The fact that she happens to be an important person isn’t a good enough criterium.
In other words, it’s not status that serves as a basis for granting immunity. Rather, it’s the nature of the person’s visit.
South Africa’s Diplomatic Immunities and Privileges Act gives the minister of International Relations and Cooperation the power to grant immunity to foreign visitors who represent their countries on official business. The act sets out how this must be done. If there’s no prior agreement that already covers the visit, a notice must be published in the Government Gazette.
What’s clear is that the spouses of foreign heads of states, members of foreign royal families, international celebrities and the like, can’t be granted immunity on a whim. There are laws, protocols, and procedures to be followed.
Formalities aside, it’s also important to keep in mind the underlying rationale of diplomatic immunity in international law and international relations. Diplomatic immunity is a principle with ancient roots and forms an integral part of international relations. At the heart of it is the idea that diplomats – or others representing their countries or international organisations – must be able to pursue their official duties free from interference by the host state.
Foreign envoys who are granted immunity therefore enjoy immunity from the criminal and civil jurisdiction of the courts of the host country.
<h2>What about justice for the victim?</h2>
Diplomatic immunity can indeed be seen as a shield against accountability for criminal conduct or civil obligations. The abuse of diplomatic immunity can therefore lead to impunity.
If a person who enjoys diplomatic immunity is accused of a crime, and their immunity isn’t waived, it’s normal practice for the host country to declare the person to be persona non grata. They are then expected to leave the country. But that also means there is no justice for the victim of the crime.
Nevertheless it’s important to remember that the immunity initially granted to the diplomat or envoy does not attach to that person in his or her personal capacity. It would have to have been granted in one or other other official capacity.
The right to institute a prosecution for most crimes (including assault) lapses only after 20 years. There are exceptions. This right never lapses in the case of serious offences such as murder, rape, robbery with aggravated circumstances, and the atrocity crimes of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
It’s conceivable that a person who once enjoyed diplomatic immunity, but who no longer benefits from it, will face justice at some future date. This assumes that they find themselves back in the country in which the alleged crime took place.
It would be hard to justify continued immunity for someone accused of a crime given that criminal conduct, including assault, is not normally associated with official business between two sovereign states.
That’s not to say that the victim can easily get justice. Diplomatic immunity conferred on visiting envoys and representatives means immunity from prosecution and civil action. This means that a victim will be frustrated in their quest for justice in the courts.
However, that doesn’t mean it’s impossible. Taking into account the rules around the prescription of the right to institute prosecution of crime, and the underlying rationale of diplomatic immunity as a tool to facilitate official political and commercial relations between sovereign states, it can be argued that diplomatic immunity isn’t the impenetrable shield of impunity imagined by some.
This article was published in The Conversation.

Op-Ed: Grace Mugabe – why diplomatic immunity isn’t always an ‘out of jail’ ticket

Linda Trim | Giant Leap
The traditional 8-hour workday is an outdated, ineffective approach to work that actually diminishes productivity.
Linda Trim, Director at workplace specialists Giant Leap, said: &#8220;It’s time for a change of thinking.&#8221;
She noted the 8-hour workday was a relic of the industrial revolution created in an effort to cut down on the number of hours of tough manual labor that workers were forced to endure on the factory floor.
“But like our ancestors, we’re expected to put in 8-hour days, working in long, continuous blocks of time, with few or no breaks. Most people even work right through their lunch hour.”
Trim notes that if people want to be as productive as possible, they need to let go of this Dickensian approach.
Here’s a better way:
Structure Your Day
A study recently conducted by the Draugiem Group, a social networking website,  tracked employees’ work habits by measuring how much time people spent on various tasks and compared this to their productivity levels.
“They stumbled upon a fascinating finding: the length of the workday didn’t matter much. What mattered was how people structured their day. In particular, people who were strict about taking short breaks were far more productive than those who worked longer hours,” Trim said.
The ideal work-to-break ratio was 52 minutes of work, followed by 17 minutes of rest. They didn’t check Facebook or get distracted by e-mails. When they felt fatigue after about an hour, they took short breaks, during which they completely separated themselves from their work.
The Brain Wants an Hour On, 15 Minutes Off
People who have discovered this ‘magic’ productivity ratio tapped into a fundamental need of the human mind: the brain naturally functions in spurts of high energy (roughly an hour) followed by spurts of low energy (15–20 minutes).
“For most of us, this natural ebb and flow of energy leaves us wavering between focused periods of high energy followed by far less productive periods, when we tire and succumb to distractions,” Trim noted.
Instead of working for an hour or more and then trying to battle through distractions and fatigue, when your productivity begins to dip, take this as a sign that it’s time for a break.
Boss Your Workday
The 8-hour workday can only work well for you if you break your time into strategic intervals that aligns with your natural energy. Here are the best ways to do it:
Break your day into hourly intervals &#8211; We naturally plan what we need to accomplish by the end of the day, the week, or the month, but we’re far more effective when we focus on what we can accomplish right now. “Planning your day around hour-long intervals simplifies daunting tasks by breaking them into manageable chunks,” said Trim.
Respect your hour &#8211; The interval strategy only works because we use our peak energy levels to reach an extremely high level of focus for a relatively short amount of time. When you disrespect your hour by texting or checking e-mails you defeat the entire purpose of the approach.
Take real rest &#8211; Getting away from your computer, your phone, and your to-do list is essential to boosting your productivity. Breaks such as walking, reading, and chatting are the most effective forms of recharging because they take you away from your work. On a busy day, it might be tempting to think of dealing with e-mails or making phone calls as breaks, but they aren’t, so don’t give in to this line of thought.
The wrap
“Breaking your day down into chunks of work and rest that match your natural energy levels feels good, makes your workday go faster, and boosts your productivity.” Trim concluded.

Is the 8 hour workday outdated and ineffective?

Suellen Shay | University of Cape Town
Jonathan Jansen, vice-chancellor of the University of the Free State in South Africa until a year ago, has written a book on the country’s higher education sector. As by Fire – The End of the South African University is one of a number of recent books that set out to make sense of the current crisis in South African universities.
The crisis began in early 2015 with the #RhodesMustFall protests and gained momentum over the course of 2015. These protests fuelled, and eventually overtook the national #FeesMustFall movement. The underlying economic, cultural and political issues that drove the protests remain largely unresolved.
As by Fire is structured around three main questions: What in fact happened? Why did it happen? And what does the protest crisis mean for the future of South African universities?
Jansen draws on his own experience as well as interviews with 11 vice-chancellors in the country. His conclusion is:
<blockquote>In a nutshell, there is no future, and
What we are witnessing is a full system meltdown.</blockquote>
There are several problems with Jansen’s apocalyptic thesis.
<h2>An irresponsible thesis</h2>
Firstly, for a scholar of Jansen’s calibre, the analysis lacks a broad comparative perspective. His main reference point is the story of failing universities on the rest of the continent.
Jansen doesn’t make any comparisons to student protests across the globe– in Hong Kong, Canada, Chile, the UK, the US and Turkey, to name a few. These were also characterised by occupations of leaderless movements, threats of violence by police and militant students, reassertion of identity politics in curriculum and political stalemate.
A more thorough comparative analysis of what is happening in South Africa in relation to continental and global trends could have led to a more constructive conclusion that posed a range of future scenarios instead of a single “no future” story.
The more serious problem with Jansen’s “no future” thesis is that it’s irresponsible. Someone of Jansen’s profile has tremendous power to shape the narrative. And how South Africans interpret the events of the past two years shapes how the sector will go forward. In other words, his conclusion has consequences. Why would academics stay if they believed Jansen’s predictions with the certainty that he projects them? Why would students apply? Why would donors invest?
In the final few paragraphs Jansen attempts to wave a small flag of hope by appealing to civic action under the banners of free education for the poor and the right to education for all. This is an unconvincing attempt to end the book on a happier note.
<h2>An important perspective on leadership</h2>
What the book does offer is a view of university leaders under crisis – a close-up, zoomed-in, largely unedited perspective of 11 VC’s “under fire”, in some cases, literally. This is why the book will be of interest to anyone in higher education management.
The extensive literature of higher education leadership and management needs more of this kind of “in the trenches” study – leaders describing in their own words what it feels like to be flattened between a rock and a hard place, managing competing and contradictory demands from all sides while always under the watch of an unsympathetic media.
The book presents a view of leaders in a lose-lose situation, required to make on-the-spot judgement calls. The reader gets a close-up view of the ways in which they worked tirelessly to defend their institutions and were battered from every side. And Jansen is right to expose the extreme pressure and the personal costs that the VCs and their families paid. The accounts expose both their vulnerability and their resilience.
Jansen concludes by arguing that what’s needed more than ever before is
<blockquote>university leadership that is both compassionate in speaking to the student heart and competent in leading our universities in a demanding world of teaching, research, and public duty.</blockquote>
The missed opportunity of the book is that Jansen doesn’t explicitly extract from his interviewees what that compassionate competence looks like. In retrospect, what do they think they did right? What do they regret? What did they learn as leaders in crisis about the complexities of leading a university community at this stage of South Africa’s democracy?
Rebecca Solnit, American activist and author of Hope in the Dark, writes of the times we are living in that
<blockquote>this is an extraordinary time full of vital, transformative movements that could not be foreseen. It’s also a nightmarish time. Full engagement requires the ability to perceive both.</blockquote>
What South Africa’s universities need from their leaders now is not prophecies of doom, but deeper reflection on the transformative potential of this difficult historical moment.
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This article was first published in The Conversation.

Op-Ed: The end of South African universities?

South Africa is planning to grant diplomatic immunity to Zimbabwe&#8217;s first lady Grace Mugabe, allowing her to return to Harare and avoid prosecution for the alleged assault of a 20-year-old model, a government source said on Friday.
South African police have put border posts on &#8220;red alert&#8221; to prevent Mugabe fleeing and said she will not receive special treatment, after Gabriella Engels accused Mugabe of whipping her with an electric extension cable.
But a senior government source said there was &#8220;no way&#8221; Mugabe, 52, would be arrested because South Africa would weigh the need to seek justice against the diplomatic fallout.
&#8220;There would obviously be implications for our relations with Zimbabwe. Sadly the other countries in the region are watching us and how we are going to act,&#8221; the source said, asking not to be named.
&#8220;What is likely to happen is that she will be allowed to go back home, and then we announce that we&#8217;ve granted diplomatic immunity and wait for somebody to challenge us.&#8221;
The source acknowledged the view widely held by legal experts that Mugabe is not entitled to diplomatic immunity because she was in South Africa for medical treatment, and said her immunity might be challenged in court at a later date.
Rights group Afriforum, which is advising Engels, said it would be illegal for Pretoria to give Mugabe immunity and branded the plans a &#8220;disgrace&#8221;.
Harare has made no official comment on the saga, which erupted on Monday, and requests for comment from Zimbabwean government officials have gone unanswered.
Zimbabwe&#8217;s 93-year-old President Robert Mugabe arrived early in Pretoria for a regional southern African summit this week to help resolve his wife&#8217;s legal problems, the source said.
Grace Mugabe is expected to attend the summit as part of a &#8220;first spouses&#8221; programme.
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Engels said she was assaulted by Mugabe on Sunday evening as she waited with two friends in a luxury Johannesburg hotel suite to meet one of Mugabe&#8217;s adult sons.
A lawyer for Mugabe identified by Reuters refused to comment.
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Writing by Joe Brock; editing by Andrew Roche
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South Africa to grant Grace Mugabe diplomatic immunity

A South African court denied on Friday an application by former finance minister Pravin Gordhan for an order that would block the ministry from any involvement in a dispute between banks and the Gupta family, businessmen accused of influence peddling.
Standard Bank, Nedbank, FirstRand and Barclays Africa last year closed the bank accounts of companies controlled by the Gupta family following accusations they had undue influence over President Jacob Zuma and the issuing of government contracts.
Gupta-owned companies asked Gordhan, an outspoken critic of Zuma and the Gupta family, to intervene and force the banks to reopen their accounts, prompting him to ask the High Court to declare it was outside of the remit of his ministry.
A Pretoria high court called Gordhan&#8217;s application unnecessary, local media reported.
Zuma and the Guptas have denied any wrongdoing.
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Reporting by TJ Strydom; Writing by Joe Brock; Editing by Ed Cropley
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South African court denies Gordhan protection in Gupta, bank dispute

Beth le Roux | University of Pretoria
“Mandela’s Last Years”, written by retired military doctor Vejay Ramlakan, has become a sought after commodity since the publisher, Penguin SA, withdrew it from the shelves in July. Ramlakan was the head of the medical team that looked after Nelson Mandela until his death in 2013.
The withdrawing and pulping of a book represents a huge expense for a publisher, as well as a source of some embarrassment. So why did the publisher do it?
Soon after the book was published, members of the Mandela family, led by his widow Graça Machel, threatened legal action. It must be admitted that the basis for any legal action wasn’t clear, although it was probably linked to defamation. The book, Machel argued, constituted “an assault on the trust and dignity” of her late husband.
Soon afterwards, the author’s employer, the South African National Defence Force, distanced itself from the book, suggesting that it may have contravened doctor-patient confidentiality.
The publisher bowed to this pressure and withdrew the book, stating that no further copies would be issued out of respect for the family. This is almost unprecedented, anywhere, and needs to be teased out more fully. After reading the book, I’ve considered how and why the publisher may have come to this decision.
<h2>Reasons for pulping a book</h2>
The decision making process for a publisher in a case like the Mandela book revolves around balancing the potential costs against reputational damage. The costs can be extensive – in publishing, all costs relating to editing, design, production, printing and distribution are made up front. It is relatively easy to make a decision to withdraw a book after publication when it may have contravened the law, mostly due to defamation of character.
Books may also be withdrawn after allegations of plagiarism, or because the accuracy of the content has been called into question. Publishers sometimes cancel contracts with their authors based on the standard waivers dealing with defamation and inaccuracies.
Publishers try to avoid these kinds of situations by performing due diligence to see if manuscripts contain anything defamatory or that breaches privacy. They employ fact checkers to avoid inaccuracy. And they require authors to warrant that their work is original and accurate.
This doesn’t mean that errors don’t sometimes slip through. But it is very unusual for a book to be withdrawn simply because it’s controversial. In fact, publishers usually support controversial titles because they create publicity, and publicity generally leads to sales.
So what happened in this particular case?
The first set of questions would relate to the credibility of the author, and the publisher’s relationship with him. Ramlakan was the head of Mandela’s medical team and had unique access to the former president over a long period of time. This means that he certainly had the access and authority to write the book, and as far as I know nobody is questioning its accuracy.
This is important, because truthfulness is one of the main defences against defamation, as is the issue of public benefit or interest. It seems highly unlikely that a publisher would allow a nonfiction title to include material that is patently untrue or that would harm the reputation of a man like Mandela. Is there really still a need to protect the reputation of a man of such global stature?
<h2>Family permission</h2>
Linked to the question of authority is whether the work was authorised. The author has repeatedly claimed he wrote the memoir at the request of family members, and with their permission. In such a large family, it would be difficult to obtain permission from every family member, and it is quite common for family members to protest their treatment in a biography of a famous public figure.
Family members often argue that there has been a breach of privacy or that embarrassing private details have been made public. But the truth is that their authorisation is not actually necessary. Many authors write unauthorised biographies or memoirs, and while they may prove controversial, they certainly do not contravene the law. The broad variety of books already available on Mandela shows that there is ongoing public interest. It seems unlikely that each one of them was authorised by the family.
What complicates this scenario is that, as a medical doctor, Ramlakan is also expected to uphold ethical standards that an ordinary writer wouldn’t be subject to. I am not an expert in medical ethics, but there are very few medical details in the book that are not already in the public domain.
In fact, one of the purposes of the book was to counter the rumours and speculation around Mandela’s medical condition in the last years and months of his life. It does this by quietly countering inaccurate statements and setting out the bare facts. It appears that the author made a deliberate effort to avoid breaching confidentiality, and ended up writing a very respectful book.
Some have suggested that the publisher and author were simply attempting to cash in on the Mandela legacy. Whatever their motives, they shouldn’t be the basis for withdrawing a book from public circulation. Taste and motivation are not legal issues.
<h2>Censorship</h2>
Given that there is no apparent material basis for a legal attack on the book, its withdrawal reveals self-censorship on the part of the publisher. South Africa no longer has censorship laws in place, but an influential family can bring pressure to bear that amounts to the same thing. But also given that the book was already on the market, it should be asked what the effect of the withdrawal will be.
While fewer copies will be sold in bookshops, and fewer people will have access to it, it’s not possible to entirely withdraw a book from the online market. The book reviews already mention all of the most controversial parts of the book, and the action of withdrawal only serves to highlight them. The best course of action would be to allow the book to circulate freely and to stand – or fall – on its own merits. Anything else is censorship.
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This article was first published on The Conversation.

The withdrawal of the Mandela book was nothing short of censorship

A New Development Bank (NDB) set up by the &#8220;BRICS&#8221; group of emerging economies plans to lend $1.5 billion to South Africa for infrastructure projects over the next eighteen months.
The BRICS &#8211; Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa &#8211; agreed to create the infrastructure-focussed lender in July 2014 as an alternative to the World Bank, launching it a year later.
The bank, headquartered in Shanghai, officially opened its African regional centre in Johannesburg on Thursday which will . identify projects that it can fund.
&#8220;We have an appetite to do about $1.5 billion of lending to South Africa for the next 18 months and the task before the members of the Africa regional centre is to make sure that this pipeline is rectified into actual lending projects,&#8221; the bank&#8217;s president Kundapur Kamath said at the launch.
The NDB was created to address a massive infrastructure funding gap in the member countries, which account for almost half the world&#8217;s population and about one-fifth of global economic output.
It was founded with an initial authorised capital of $100 billion and started lending last year, funding seven projects worth $1.5 billion.
&#8220;Our target is to end 2018 with a total loan book of about $8 billion for approximately 35 projects,&#8221; Kamath said, referring to the loan book of the bank as a whole.
South African President Jacob Zuma said the regional office was expected to ease funding access hurdles for African countries, as the bank was working on expanding its membership to other countries outside the BRICS.
&#8220;We expect that the bank through the Africa Regional Centre will contribute to accelerating infrastructure investment in energy, transport, water and other productive sectors,&#8221; Zuma said.
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Reporting by Olivia Kumwenda-Mtambo; Editing by James Macharia
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New BRICS bank plans $1.5BN lending for South African projects

Faith Kiboro | SMC University
A few hours after Kenya’s polling stations closed on Tuesday August 8th, the country’s Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission began transmitting live results.
But even before it had a chance to complete the tallying process, the opposition candidate Raila Odinga and his National Super Alliance (NASA) disputed the credibility and fairness of the process, claiming that they had garnered 8.04 million votes against Uhuru Kenyatta’s 7.7 million.
These results differed widely from the official electoral figures which on Friday placed Kenyatta in the lead with 8.1 million votes, and Odinga in second place with 6.7 million.
History seems to be on the side of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission: international observers – of which there were 400 at various stations on polling day – have by and large come out to say that the process was credible.
If we take the practice of democracy as playing the game and abiding by the rules, then for Kenya the game is far from over.
In the end, the final judgement could be made by the country’s courts. The rules governing elections in Kenya are set down in the constitutionwhich states that a candidate will be declared president if he or she has received more than half of all the votes cast in the election, and that at least 25% of the votes cast in each of more than half of the counties.
If indeed there is an election petition, both sides are heavily invested in the outcome. For Odinga it is do or die. He has unsuccessfully contested for the top seat three times. However, despite this being his last shot, he has maintained that legal recourse is not an option.
The future of his running mate Kalonzo Musyoka is also uncertain – results show that some of the candidates vying for gubernatorial seats on his Wiper party ticket were unsuccessful, thereby lowering his political party’s future value proposition.
For Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto the marriage of convenience is under pressure to continue for another five years to pave the way for Ruto’s succession.
<h2>Things that stood out</h2>
Despite the fears of post-election violence there was a lot of goodwill for this election to be a success. Campaigns for a “tribeless Kenya” and various activities that promoted peaceful elections were a part of the pre-poll fabric.
While there were multiple reports predicting violence, there was relative calm after voters had gone to the polls. And for the most part Kenyans have so far affirmed that no blood needs to be shed.
But there has been violence. Kenyans in low-income areas been caught up in deadly clashes with the police.
These incidents have been localised to opposition areas and the majority of Kenyans seem eager to return to normalcy. This resolve is being tested by the opposition alliance which announced on Sunday that it was preparing a post-election strategy. Many fear that this could heighten tensions further.
The election, and its aftermath, provide an opportunity for Kenya to reflect on how the electoral process went and how, in the future, it can deal with complaints and inconsistencies better.
But there have been many positive reports on the election process. These, combined with what observers say was largely a free and fair election, have increased international confidence in Kenya’s election processes.
<h2>What was memorable</h2>
What will the 2017 election be remembered for?
The road to Canaan: The 2017 election was an incumbent election with polls consistently showing an incumbent win for Kenyatta. Nevertheless, the opposition colourfully portrayed their campaign as the Road to Canaan, with Joshua (their flag bearer Odinga) leading them to the Promised Land full of milk and honey. The biblical story of Joshua is of a military commander who takes the mantle from Moses. His mission is to take the Israelite tribes to the land of Canaan after 40 years of wandering. The story of Canaan is one of hope and the message resonated with many Kenyans.
The year of the independent candidate: Legislation that put a definitive end to party hopping after the party nomination process gave rise to the “big two” National Super Alliance and Jubilee Party coalitions.
In my opinion this legislation changed Kenya’s political landscape because smaller parties were swallowed up by the big coalitions. Many who tried to secure nominations from the Jubilee Party and National Super Alliance failed. They were therefore left no option but to stand as independent candidates if they wanted to keep alive their dreams of running for office.
But the election results have shown that the independent movement failed to get off the ground. By and large Kenyans favoured candidates from one of the big two coalitions. Only two counties – Isiolo and Laikipia – went against this trend, electing independent candidates as their next governors.
More women elected: In terms of gender representation, there’s a lot to be encouraged by, not least the fact that the first women governors were elected. The council of governors had previously been a male preserve. The number of women in elected seats also rose from 16 in 2013 to 22 in this election.
Leaders who work: The election results also showed the reduction in appetite for leaders who don’t deliver. This was clear from the number of incumbents who were unsuccessful in their bids to return to their posts.
In the end, election days come and go. The next phase is all that matters now. The intense electoral competition and the choices people made show that there is enough room for all Kenyans to participate – whether they belong to a big party or not – and to do so in a meaningful way.
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This article was published on The Conversation.

Kenya’s election: the good, the bad and the memorable moments

South Africa&#8217;s Reserve Bank is expected to cut interest rates again in November and possibly even September given the relatively tame inflation outlook, a Reuters poll found on Friday.
The central bank unexpectedly cut its repo rate by 25 basis points to 6.75 percent for the first time in five years in July, taking advantage of slower inflation to support a sickly economy.
While 11 of 27 economists in the latest Reuters poll taken this week forecast a interest rate cut of varying amounts next month, the Bank was seen as more likely to pause and instead cut at its meeting in November.
Only five economists polled forecast rates on hold through the end of the year. The survey median shows South Africa rates cut by 25 basis points to 6.50 percent in November and then on hold there through to early 2019.
&#8220;We think there is a small window here to cut. It would be quite easy to justify three cuts in a row: July, September and November,&#8221; said Citi economist Gina Schoeman.
&#8220;But then again, the Reserve Bank is more prudent, which adds to their credibility, which is why they will pause in September,&#8221; she added.
However, Schoeman said should the Bank wait, it could be faced with problems in the first half of next year as markets get more volatile worrying about potential sovereign ratings downgrades.
The rand has been relatively flat a month after last month&#8217;s rate cut. It was forecast in a recent Reuters poll to weaken almost two percent over the next six months but to still hold on to some of the year&#8217;s gains. [ZAR/POLL]
&#8220;We assume they don&#8217;t downgrade us this year, but all of the negative outlooks will expire by the middle of next year,&#8221; Schoeman added.
With inflation slowing to 5.1 percent in June and expected to average just 5.4 percent this year and 5.2 percent next, a few economists suggested the Bank could cut go for growth and cut rates by a full percentage point by year-end and finish next year at 4.75 percent.
Poll medians for growth also indicated that South Africa probably escaped another contraction in the three months just gone by, likely growing by an annualised 0.8 percent.
Growth is expected to remain poor, averaging 0.6 percent this year and 1.2 percent next year.
Moody&#8217;s ratings agency said on Wednesday, a week after President Jacob Zuma survived a no-confidence vote in parliament, that political tensions in the ruling African National Congress (ANC) will weigh on South Africa&#8217;s growth.
The ANC is due to pick a successor to Zuma in its December leadership conference, a candidate likely to be the face of its 2019 election campaign.
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Reporting by Vuyani Ndaba Editing by Jeremy Gaunt.
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South Africa rate cut likely in November

Steven Friedman | University of Johannesburg
Finance ministers in today’s South Africa should be judged not by whether they have plans to rescue the economy themselves, but by their plans to get others to help them to do it.
South Africa’s new finance minister Malusi Gigaba recently unveiled a 14-point plan to revive the economy. He did this as part of his campaign to restore trust in the economy, partly damaged by the cabinet reshuffle in which he replaced a minister respected in the market place.
The plan has not achieved the desired effect – credit ratings agencies and commentators have rejected it, labelling it a restatement of existing government commitments which will do little or nothing to grow the economy.
On one level, the complaint is accurate. Gigaba’s plan, like the governing African National Congress’s economic discussion document, fails to move out of the rut which currently hobbles the economy. It, too, assumes that the solution lies in doing what is currently being done better rather than in doing things differently.
In particular it has nothing to say about how to include millions who are shut out of the mainstream economy. It’s difficult to see how South Africa’s economy can achieve sustained growth until and unless this problem is addressed.
On another level, the complaint that Gigaba did not come up with a plan which will rescue the economy misses the point – that, given the balance of power in South Africa, no government plan could rescue the economy on its own. Government promises to revive the economy should be judged not on whether they tell the country that the government – on its own – has come up with a cure, but on whether it has a credible plan for ensuring that all the key economic actors play a role in negotiating change.
<h2>Bargaining is the key</h2>
Those who expect the government to solve the economic problems on its own believe, of course, that government created them on its own. In this view, South Africa’s economy worked well until politicians came along and damaged it. All that’s needed is for politicians to behave differently and the economy will again function as it should.
But growth levels are too low to offer a better life to all, and other obstacles which ensure that South Africans do not all enjoy rising living standards, didn’t emerge when the current president took office or even in 1994, when the governing party took over the reins. To take one example: unemployment began rising in the 1970s, a quarter century before apartheid ended. The economy has always excluded most people – what we see now continues patterns set decades ago.
The government obviously does have a role in addressing these problems. But it’s not the only source of the problem and so it cannot be the only source of a solution. Some of what business or labour or the professions or educational institutions do is also responsible for the problem. And so they all need to become part of a solution by changing some of what they do.
While this picture of all the parties coming together to work out solutions sounds attractive, getting them to the table is difficult. And finding solutions will be even harder because they are deeply divided on what the problems are, and so on what the solutions may be.
Any particular idea for change will force one or other party to give up something in order to reap dividends later. Naturally, they all think that the others should do the sacrificing.
So a process which placed the economy on a sustainable path would require some hard bargaining and would need to continue for quite some time. It’s this bargaining process, not a magical government formula, which will place the economy on a new growth path.
<h2>Rebuilding trust</h2>
The government clearly has a key role in triggering the process of bargaining. This is precisely what the National Treasury seemed to be doing under Gigaba’s predecessor, Pravin Gordhan.
Its attempts to stave off a downgrade by ratings agencies began an exchange between government, sections of business and labour which may have developed into a negotiation about change. The chief priority for Gigaba – or any other finance minister – is to revive the process which ended when the cabinet reshuffle destroyed the trust which made it possible.
Gigaba’s plan does contain two points which might begin the revival. One is a commitment to a financial sector summit, the other a promise to resume talks on a mining charter.
Both may well fall short of what is needed. The summit idea repeats a flaw in government thinking on bargaining with business which has been evident for decades. It assumes that deep –rooted problems can be solved, and deep divisions healed, by a grand summit which gets the parties into a conference venue for a few days to hammer out a joint declaration.
This has been tried repeatedly and, each time, the declarations sounded good but were ignored. This is hardly surprising: precisely because the divisions are deep, they cannot be bridged at one event. Change is likely to need a process – not a summit. This should take as long as needed and concentrate on reaching agreement on what can be agreed, and building from there.
It is possible, however, that both initiatives could be the start of a productive process in which parties will be willing to negotiate changes which entail giving something up provided they get something in return. This is far more likely if this process too is not left to government alone.
Gigaba’s plans for negotiation may be improved, and so may move the economy towards growth which includes many more people. But only if commentators and interest groups treat them with the same seriousness they now reserve their hopes for a magic government plan to save the economy.
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This article was first published in The Conversation.

Hard bargaining, not another magic plan, will get South Africa’s economy growing

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Congo&#8217;s finance ministry has provisionally reinstated mining companies&#8217; exemption from a value added tax on imports, the Chamber of Mines said on Wednesday, days after miners complained customs authorities were planning to impose VAT on them.
Democratic Republic of Congo, Africa&#8217;s top copper producer, agreed to suspend the tax in July 2016 to help companies during a commodity price downturn and to pay down hundreds of millions of dollars in VAT reimbursements owed to the companies.
&#8220;The suspension of TVA for mining companies was decided by the minister (of finance) last Saturday,&#8221; John Nkono, secretary general of the industry-led Chamber of Mines, told Reuters.
&#8220;Although provisional, this needed to be taken. Otherwise, the situation would have been catastrophic,&#8221; he said.
A spokesman at the finance ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The one-year exemption lapsed last month and the Chamber of Mines said at the weekend VAT had begun showing up in customs fees last week.
Nkono said Finance Minister Henri Yav had since instructed customs officials to again suspend collection of VAT until contradictory language in this year&#8217;s budget law related to the tax could be clarified.
Major mining companies in Congo include Glencore, Randgold Resources and China Molybdenum and the country&#8217;s Chamber of Commerce had said their operations would be adversely affected by the reinstatement of the VAT.
The government owes mining companies about $700 million in VAT reimbursements from before last year&#8217;s suspension, according to the Chamber of Mines.
But the government is short of cash and desperate to increase tax revenue in the face of an economic crisis. Inflation is set to hit nearly 50 percent this year. The central bank has only about three weeks left of import cover.
Economic problems in Congo, which also produces significant amounts of gold, tin and cobalt, have been exacerbated by unrest across the country caused by President Joseph Kabila&#8217;s failure to step down when his mandate expired last December.
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Reporting By Patient Ligodi; Writing and additional reporting by Aaron Ross; Editing by Tim Cocks, Pritha Sarkar and Janet Lawrence
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Congo reinstates miners’ VAT exemption on imports in U-turn

Kenyan opposition leader Raila Odinga said on Wednesday he would challenge last week&#8217;s presidential election result in court, calming fears that further street protests by his supporters might lead to widespread violence.
At least 24 people have been killed since the Aug. 8 vote, many of them shot by police. But while there have been scattered protests in Odinga strongholds, the demonstrations were relatively muted as supporters waited to hear what Odinga had to say.
When Odinga, a 72-year-old former political prisoner, called a news conference after days of public silence, crowds clustered around televisions and radios in the slums, falling silent as he began to speak.
&#8220;We have now decided to move to the Supreme Court,&#8221; Odinga told a bank of television cameras in the capital Nairobi. &#8220;This is just the beginning, we will not accept and move on.&#8221;
The election board said on Friday Kenyatta had beaten Odinga by 1.4 million votes to win a second five-year term. Odinga disputes that figure but has not yet provided proof of rigging.
The move to the judiciary will relieve Kenyans who feared a repeat of the violence that followed the flawed 2007 vote, when Odinga called for protests which led to a police crackdown and ethnic violence. Around 1,200 people died.
<h3 data-reactid="41">SEARCHING FOR JUSTICE</h3>
Odinga also contested &#8211; and officially lost &#8211; the 2013 election but quelled potential violence by taking his case to court. Judges ruled that much of his evidence was submitted outside time limits set by the court, which raised suspicion among his supporters of the judiciary&#8217;s independence.
Odinga acknowledged those frustrations, even as he backtracked on earlier opposition statements that going to court was not an option.
&#8220;Our decision to go to court constitutes a second chance for the Supreme Court. The court can use this chance to redeem itself,&#8221; he said.
His announcement follows days of intense behind-the-scenes negotiations, with diplomats urging him not to call for protests. International and domestic observers have said the polls were largely free and fair.
Odinga has accused observers of supporting the government, but an international official who has been in contact with both sides in recent days said Odinga has struggled in talks to clearly make his case for fraud.
Another international observer said Odinga&#8217;s team had identified 11 polling stations where the opposition had proof of problems &#8211; far too few to overturn the results.
Odinga did not detail such allegations in his speech. Instead, he repeated accusations of police brutality, naming a baby and a young girl whose families say were killed by police during a crackdown on his supporters on Saturday.
&#8220;By going to court we are not legitimizing misplaced calls from some observers for us to concede. We are seeking to give to those who braved the long lines in the morning chill and hot afternoon &#8230; a chance to be heard,&#8221; Odinga said.
Reaction to his decision was mixed, but in the Kibera slum, Nairobi&#8217;s largest, many expressed relief that they could get back to work.
&#8220;This decision to go to court is good. If they had not said that and told people to go back to the streets that would not have helped us,&#8221; said George Ouma, 28, a minibus driver. &#8220;Whatever the decision the court makes, that will be fine.&#8221;
In Mathare slum, Zipporah Otieno, 52, said: &#8220;Court has never brought us good results &#8230; It&#8217;s better for us to be on the road demonstrating than have our rights taken from us.&#8221;
<h3 data-reactid="71">MISSING FORMS</h3>
Earlier on Wednesday, the European Union observer mission, which has broadly praised the vote so far, urged the election commission to publish all remaining forms showing vote tallies on its website to ensure transparency.
Each individual polling station should have a form detailing the votes for each candidate, signed by all party observers. But Andrew Limo, an election commission spokesman, said about 2,900 of the 41,000 forms showing results at individual polling stations were not yet online.
&#8220;The timing of such information being made public is critical given that petitions relating to the presidential race must be filed within seven days of the results announcement,&#8221; the EU mission said in a statement.
Any challenge must be filed by the evening of Aug. 18.
The EU also criticized a government crackdown against a rights group and a pro-democracy organization that had publicly questioned preparations by the electoral board.
Police and tax authorities on Wednesday raided the Africa Centre for Open Governance, and on Monday issued a letter threatening to shut down the Kenya Human Rights Commission over administrative and tax issues.
Amid an outcry from the United Nations and international rights groups, the Interior Ministry later announced it was suspending the crackdown.
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additional reporting by George Obulutsa, Katharine Houreld and Maggie Fick; Writing by Katharine Houreld; Editing by Janet Lawrence
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Kenya opposition leader will go to Supreme Court over disputed elections

Political tensions in the ruling African National Congress (ANC) will weigh on South Africa&#8217;s growth, ratings agency Moody&#8217;s said on Wednesday, a week after President Jacob Zuma survived a no-confidence vote in parliament.
The no-confidence vote showed that support among ANC lawmakers for Zuma is on the wane, increasing the chances of political turmoil within the party that could play into the race to select his successor at a party conference in December.
With the economy back in recession and questions about the credibility of its institutions intensifying, the risk of Africa&#8217;s most industrialised economy losing its remaining investment grade credit rating from Moody&#8217;s has grown.
&#8220;Key constraints to growth are domestic, including political tensions and policy uncertainty,&#8221; the ratings agency said in its credit opinion statement on South Africa.
In June, Moody&#8217;s cut South Africa&#8217;s debt by a single notch after Zuma abruptly fired widely respected Pravin Gordhan as finance minister.
The country has been dropped from the JP Morgan Emerging Market Bond Index Global following downgrades to &#8220;junk&#8221; status by S&amp;P Global Ratings and Fitch in April.
S&amp;P and Fitch kept their ratings unchanged at BB+ at scheduled debt reviews following the unscheduled downgrades but both have warned of deeper cuts if policy uncertainty continues to hamper economic reforms.
Since Gordhan&#8217;s removal, calls for Zuma to step down have intensified from within his party, which has ruled since 1994 when apartheid fell.
Moody&#8217;s said in the statement that South Africa&#8217;s economy would grow by 0.5 percent this year and 1.2 percent in 2018.
In a no-confidence motion in Zuma held through a secret ballot in parliament last week, about 30 ANC members broke ranks and sided with opposition parties to remove Zuma.
&#8220;The results reflect the rising political tensions within the ruling party in the run up to the leadership conference of the African National Congress in December 2017,&#8221; Moody&#8217;s said.
Allegations of corruption against Zuma in the awarding of government contracts at state firms worth billions of dollars have also dented investor confidence and raised the threat of downgrades as political infighting distracts from the economy.
The reports, denied by Zuma, are based on leaked emails and have drawn several international firms into a scandal that has widened divisions the ANC and prompted senior politicians to call for Zuma&#8217;s resignation.
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Reporting by TJ Strydom; Editing by James Macharia and Matthew Mpoke Bigg
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Angolan opposition party to publish own count of election results

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Hard bargaining, not another magic plan, will get South Africa’s economy growing

Congo reinstates miners’ VAT exemption on imports in U-turn

Kenya opposition leader will go to Supreme Court over disputed elections

Moody’s says South Africa’s political tensions constraining growth

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