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As global markets hit red once again in trade this morning we take a look at the volatility that is being seen of the Zimbabwe stock exchange. Batanai Matsika the Head of Research at Morgan &#038; Co joins CNBC Africa for more.

How Zim stocks are reacting to COVID-19

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According to the International Monetary Fund Zimbabwe is facing a threatening economic and humanitarian crisis due to macroeconomic instability, climate shocks and policy missteps. Joining CNBC Africa to unpack whether the latest monetary policy statement is aiding or changing the narrative is Batanai Matsika, Head of Research at Morgan &#038; Co.

Zimbabwe’s currency woes hurting companies

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In what appears to be an escalation of trade spats between Kenya and Uganda, Kenya has stopped another Uganda company from exporting milk. Also, Zimbabwe has expressed interest in buying Ugandan maize. Analyst, Charles Bwogi joins CNBC Africa for more.

Kenya rejects more Ugandan milk amid ongoing trade tensions

HARARE, Feb 17 (Reuters) &#8211; Zimbabwe&#8217;s central bank left its benchmark interest rate at 35% on Monday, citing moderating inflation, as it looks to print more local currency and limit the use of foreign currencies.



Zimbabwe is struggling through its worst economic crisis in a decade, with prices of basic goods soaring and shortages of medicine, fuel and electricity worsening. Hopes of a quick recovery under President Emmerson Mnangagwa are fading.



The worsening poverty is upsetting the fragile calm that&#8217;s prevailed since the 2017 coup that toppled long-time ruler Robert Mugabe.



After suspending publication of annual inflation data, which economic analysts put at 525% in December, authorities will resume printing the figures next month.



Governor John Mangudya was bullish on inflation, projecting that annual price growth would dip below 50% by the end of the year. Monthly inflation fell in January to 2.23%



&#8220;Our task is we stabilize inflation and stabilize the exchange rate. We expect month-on-month inflation will continue to come down until the end of the year,&#8221; Mangudya said.



&#8220;Most of the inflation is caused by non-monetary factors. That is expectations &#8211; that &#8216;I lost money in 2008&#8217;,&#8221; Mangudya said. &#8220;This is a once-beaten, twice-shy scenario. These are things that shape inflation in Zimbabwe.&#8221;



Zimbabweans have little confidence in monetary policy after pensions and savings were wiped out at the height of hyperinflation, which reached 500 billion% in 2008 and forced the country to dump its local currency.



Last year in June, Zimbabwe ended a decade of dollarisation, which fuelled inflation. Mangudya said it would take up to five years to completely wean Zimbabwe from using the U.S. dollar in local transactions.



Seeking to reassure investors, the governor said foreign currency accounts held by companies, donors and individuals were safe, while businesses like mines would continue to receive a portion of their export earnings in dollars.



To ease shortages of cash, the bank will feed higher- denomination Zimbabwe dollar notes into the economy while increasing transparency on foreign currency trading to stabilise the exchange rate.



The central bank governor said he still saw economic growth at 3% in 2020, citing improved rainfall since mid January. 



(Reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe, writing by Mfuneko Toyana; editing by William Maclean, Larry King)

Zimbabwe central bank leaves rates unchanged, bullish on inflation, what you need to know…

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Batanai Matsika, Head of Research at Morgan &#038; Co joins CNBC Africa to give insight into Morgan and Co.’s research on price purchasing power in Southern Africa by using the metrics of the price of Coca –Cola across the African countries.

Coca Cola Index: How economic productivity & standard of living compare among these Southern African countries

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The story of Zimbabwe&#8217;s economic and political turmoil is one that is stressed locally and globally, both Zimbabwe and Venezuela have similar downfalls which could be credited to unstable systems and leadership according to Morgan &#038; Co Research. Batanai Matsika, Head of Research at Morgan &#038; Co joins CNBC Africa to discuss Zimbabwe&#8217;s economic outlook for 2020.

Morgan & Co on the main drivers for Zim’s economy in 2020

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On the back of Zimbabwe’s MPC announcement today, one of the main issues of economic turmoil in Zimbabwe is the rife and staggering accounts of corruption at all levels of potential economic pillars. Joining CNBC Africa for more is Batanai Matsika the Head of Research at Morgan &#038; Co.

How corruption is undermining Zim’s turnaround plans

JOHANNESBURG, Jan 16 (Reuters) &#8211; The United Nations World Food Programme said on Thursday that a record 45 million people in the 16-nation Southern African Development Community faced growing hunger following repeated drought, widespread flooding and economic disarray.



Southern Africa is in the grips of a severe drought, as climate change wreaks havoc in impoverished countries already struggling to cope with extreme natural disasters, such as Cyclone Idai which devastated Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi in 2019.



Zimbabwe, once the breadbasket of southern Africa, is experiencing its worst economic crisis in a decade, marked by soaring inflation and shortages of food, fuel, medicines and electricity.



&#8220;This hunger crisis is on a scale we&#8217;ve not seen before and the evidence shows it&#8217;s going to get worse,&#8221; the WFP&#8217;s Regional Director for Southern Africa, Lola Castro, said in a statement.



&#8220;The annual cyclone season has begun and we simply cannot afford a repeat of the devastation caused by last year&#8217;s unprecedented storms.&#8221;



The agency plans to provide &#8220;lean season&#8221; assistance to 8.3 million people grappling with &#8220;crisis&#8221; or &#8220;emergency&#8221; levels of hunger in eight of the hardest-hit countries, which include Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique, Madagascar, Namibia, Lesotho, Eswatini and Malawi.



To date, WFP has secured just $205 million of the $489 million required for this assistance and has been forced to resort heavily to internal borrowing to ensure food reaches those in need, it said.



In December, the United Nations said it was procuring food assistance for 4.1 million Zimbabweans, a quarter of the population of a country where shortages are being exacerbated by runaway inflation and climate-induced drought.



&#8220;Zimbabwe is in the throes of its worst hunger emergency in a decade, with 7.7 million people – half the population – seriously food insecure,&#8221; the agency said.



In Zambia and drought-stricken Lesotho, 20% of the population faces a food crisis, as do 10% of Namibians.



Castro said that if the agency does not receive the necessary funding, it will have no choice but to assist fewer of those most in need and with less.



(Reporting by Nqobile Dludla; Editing by Jon Boyle and Giles Elgood)

UN food agency says record 45 million people across Southern Africa face hunger

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Globally there has been a change in industries that are leveraging technology to achieve returns. This is the phenomena from the shift of physical assets to digital ones. Zimbabwe’s technology company Cassava Smartech may yield good returns on this system. Batanai Matsika, Head of Research at Morgan &#038; Co joins CNBC Africa for more.

Fintech sector disruptor Cassava aiming for good returns in shift from physical to digital assets

HARARE, Jan 6 (Reuters) &#8211; Zimbabwe&#8217;s largest bank CBZ launched two bond issues on Monday, seeking to raise $80.6 million to finance maize and soybean farming, as the country faces another drought that could worsen an already dire economic situation.



The United Nations warned last week that the southern African nation faced a second successive poor harvest this year because of patchy rains, compounding problems for millions of people already grappling with last year&#8217;s drought and the worst economic crisis in a decade.



CBZ said in a notice it wanted to raise 500 million Zimbabwe dollars ($30.6 million) to purchase seeds, fertiliser and chemicals for maize and soybean production.



The bond has a tenor of 270 days and an interest rate of between 15% and 18%.



A second dollar-denominated bond worth $50 million with the same tenor seeks to raise money to import farming chemicals and fertilisers that are not available locally, CBZ said. The bank will pay 9.5% interest.



Maize is the country&#8217;s staple crop, while soybeans are used in the production of cooking oil and animal feed.



Under a new government-backed programme to ensure food security, CBZ buys farm products and issues farmers with vouchers to purchase them. The bank will then recoup its money from farmers who surrender part of their harvest. The bonds are guaranteed by the government.



Zimbabwe is nearly halfway through its summer crop season, but the rains have been poor, raising concerns that the government may not meet its growth target of 3.1% this year. Agriculture accounts for 17% of the country&#8217;s gross domestic product.



The poor rains will likely prolong 18-hour daily power cuts as dam water levels for the biggest hydro electricity plant remain precariously low.



Up to 8 million people, half Zimbabwe&#8217;s population, will require food aid this year after last year&#8217;s maize harvest fell by half, according to the United Nations. 



(Reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe; Editing by Susan Fenton)

Zimbabwe’s largest bank CBZ issues bonds under scheme to raise funds for maize, soy farming

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Since the introduction of the Zimbabwean dollar locals have instead preferred to trade in the South African rand and U.S dollar, Morgan &amp; Co believe that the Zimbabwean dollar was initiated at the wrong time and is not contributing to economic growth. Batanai Matsika, Head of Research at Morgan &amp; Co joins CNBC Africa for more.

Here’s why the Zim dollar is still not favoured amongst locals

Economist Eddie Cross* argues why the next decade will be a crucial one for Zimbabwe.



How much more can we take? I was talking to a Zimbabwean
of Asian extraction over the break and he told me that his father came here from
India in 1958. I remarked to him that we were doing pretty well then – we had
peace, a rapidly growing economy, we were part of the wider world and it seemed
that our politics was going in the right direction. Then the Federation broke
up, the white population rejected change and the first shots with live
ammunition were fired after more than 60 years of no violence. The Nationalists
launched their armed struggle for change and from 1965 onwards we were
increasingly isolated from the world around us.



What followed was 15 years of mandatory UN backed sanctions and an armed conflict that drew in all our neighbours and in which we killed each other with enthusiasm. The Rhodesians won all the battles and lost the war leading to 37 years of dominance by Robert Mugabe and his liberation war colleagues. They never really settled down and by 2000 we were again locked into a toxic mix of international isolation, stagnant or declining economic output and domestic conflict and violence.



 Read: <a href="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/zdnl-mc/2019/11/17/op-ed-this-is-how-zimbabwe-has-changed-since-i-became-president-emmerson-mnangagwa/">Op-Ed: This is how Zimbabwe has changed since I became president: Emmerson Mnangagwa</a>



International and regional intervention hardly helped but did change the course of our history at key moments – the break-up of the Federation, the intervention of the Americans in 1976, then Lancaster House and finally the Mbeki managed South African initiative that brought us 4 years of recovery and compromise from 2009 to 2013. But for the most part we mismanaged our political, economic and social situation ourselves and as a result we brought down on ourselves political instability and increasing poverty and disparity.



Read: <a href="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/zdnl-mc/2019/11/17/op-ed-two-years-on-since-mugabe-was-zimbabwes-president-whats-changed/">Op-Ed: Two years on since Mugabe was Zimbabwe’s president, what’s changed?</a> 



During the 90 years of white settler control and
government the whole country worked for the welfare and interests of a small
white community. After 1980 the whole country worked for a tiny minority of
politically connected individuals who supported the systems that kept the
Mugabe Government in power and control. All other concerns were secondary.
Whatever the system, the effect was the same – the majority suffered and
experienced marginalisation and poverty.



Then came November 2017, the first time we took action as
a people to rid ourselves of a regime that had run out of time and space. Like
the decision in 1923 when we decided to stay out of the new Union of South
Africa, this event was not in any way sponsored or engineered by outside forces
and for the first time found almost universal support among all Zimbabweans. It
was assisted by the Military who overnight became heroes of the people.
However, it did not change the centre of real power which had become the small
group of people who ran the Joint Operations Command under the leadership of
Mr. Mnangagwa and General Chiwenga.



The first post November Government was drawn from this
group and was dominated by elements linked to the Military. Then the elections
in 2018 when Zanu-PF engineered a convincing victory with three quarters of all
Council seats and two thirds of the Parliament. Mr. Mnangagwa could then claim,
for the first time, to be the legitimate leader of Government, even though his
victory was with a tiny majority. It was only at that moment that we saw a new
dispensation of sorts emerge in the form of the first really Mnangagwa
controlled Cabinet.



The President broke with the past at two crucial moments
– after the MAT in November and then after the elections. In both cases he
clearly committed himself and his new Government to fundamental changes and to
re-establishing a working relationship with the international Community after
decades of isolation and hostility. The response to these clear indications of
intent was immediate, and the international Community responded saying that if
we followed through on these undertakings, they would support our economic
recovery and reengagement efforts. It seemed at last that the world was at our
feet again.



But it was not to be. We quickly appreciated that the
President did not have the unfettered power that Mugabe had exercised over the
country for 37 years. The first Cabinet was a divided house and little was
achieved in respect to the reform agenda in the first seven months. This
changed significantly with the elections but again there was evidence of
conflict in the corridors of power where key decisions are made and executed.
Then towards the end of 2019, the President restructured his Cabinet and made a
number of key appointments.



And so we came to the end of a disastrous year in many
respects. The Transitional Stabilisation Program had required savage cuts in
Government expenditure, a controlled devaluation of unmanageable domestic debt
accumulated in the past five years and a restructuring of costs in the economy
to bring them more into line with regional realities. It has been a tough year
for everyone, except a few individuals who seem to thrive no matter what
happens to the rest of us. One young Zimbabwean, drives around Harare in a
Bugatti – perhaps the most expensive car in the world. His friends all boast
luxury cars with brand names that put them in a similar bracket. Wealth with no
visible means of support.



But we must look beyond these disparities and problems
and recognise that our pain as a Nation has borne significant fruit: our
domestic debt is now a tiny fraction of what it was and is manageable, our
international debt has only increased marginally and is now being serviced to
some extent. Our civil service was costing us 100 per cent of all our taxes a
year ago, it now consumes 35 per cent, our fiscal deficit was massive and equal
to 40 per cent of the entire budget of Government, is now positive and we ended
2019 with nearly Z$2 billion in the bank. We have liberalised our foreign
exchange market and restored the viability of our export industries which are
now expanding rapidly with the result that we now have nearly US$1 billion in
our bank accounts and Government has a small surplus in the Treasury in hard
currency.



These are not small achievements and what annoys me is
that so little recognition has been given to the Government and the President
for their stance on these issues which have been very tough on the entire
nation. I am pleased that at least the International Monetary Fund found sufficient
reason at the year end to give us a cautious thumb up for what we achieved last
year despite some serious deviations.



So where are we going in the next decade? Is it more of
the same? We just cannot handle that plus the changes now being inflicted on us
by climate change. Everyone, and I mean everyone, not just those in power, must
accept and acknowledge this – we have to start doing things differently. For me
2019 has set the stage – now we must move on and decisively. I hear that the
MDC is planning a series of large scale demonstrations in early 2020. Is that
really the answer? Will it really bring change or simply lead to more street
violence. I agree with S B Moyo when he called for the Police to escort
demonstrations through the streets of our towns and make sure they do not spill
over into looting and violence. But we all know that these events can only be
managed so far.



Rather I think we need to work together to get things
right in our country. Is that so difficult to understand and accept? But it
will only happen if we put the country first in all that we do – and not the
pursuit of power or wealth.



Eddie Cross is an economist based in Harare, and a
founding member of the MDC

Op-Ed: A new decade has arrived, will it be Zimbabwe’s?

Source: Securities Africa 



<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="435" height="415" src="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/se.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-352823" srcset="https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/se.jpg 435w, https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/se-300x286.jpg 300w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 435px) 100vw, 435px" /><figcaption> South Afruca: FTSE/JSE&nbsp;Africa&nbsp;All Share Index&nbsp;rose 8.2%. </figcaption></figure>

The best and worst performing African stock exchanges in 2019

HARARE, Dec 16 (Reuters) &#8211; The wife of Zimbabwean Vice President Constantino Chiwenga was charged with trying to kill her husband when she appeared in court on Monday.



Prosecutors say Marry Mubaiwa tried to unplug Chiwenga&#8217;s life support tubes in a South African hospital in June.



She was initially arrested on Saturday by the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC) on charges of fraud, money laundering and breaching exchange control rules, and is accused of illegally transferring $900,000 to South Africa.



She denies all the accusations against her and her lawyer said she would seek bail at Zimbabwe&#8217;s High Court. She was refused bail for the initial charges after prosecutors argued she would flee the country or interfere with witnesses.



The charges follow media reports that Mubaiwa and Chiwenga, who returned to Zimbabwe last month after four months in a Chinese hospital where he was later treated for a blocked oesophagus, were set to divorce.



Opposition politicians took to social media to accuse Chiwenga of using his position to influence a divorce settlement. Chiwenga could not be reached for comment.



Critics of ZACC say it is conflicted because its head judge, Loice Matanda-Moyo, is married to Foreign Minister Sibusiso Moyo, a top ally of President Emmerson Mnangagwa and of Chiwenga.



The ZACC denies this and said it will prosecute all corruption cases without fear or favour.



Prosecutors also told the court that Mubaiwa was being investigated for misusing U.S. dollar allowances meant for her husband&#8217;s security details. 



(Reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe; Editing by Emma Rumney and Giles Elgood)

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Wife of Zimbabwean vice president charged with his attempted murder

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Recently large South African and international companies have closed down shop in Zimbabwe due to the crippling economic crisis. Joining CNBC Africa to unpack why companies such as Pepkor, PPC, Nampak and Distell have given up on the Zimbabwean markets is Batanai Matsika, Head of Research at Morgan &#038; Co.

Why this analyst thinks Zim’s economic crisis offers great opportunity for bargain hunters

HARARE, Dec 3 (Reuters) &#8211; Zimbabwe&#8217;s former leader Robert Mugabe, who died in September, left $10 million and some properties in the capital, but no will naming his beneficiaries, details of his estate published by state-owned newspaper the Herald showed on Tuesday.



Zimbabweans have speculated for years about the extent of Mugabe&#8217;s wealth, with many assuming that he and his family amassed a vast fortune during his 37 years in power.



Mugabe&#8217;s daughter Bona Chikowore wrote in October to the Master of the High Court seeking to register her father&#8217;s estate, the Herald reported. It listed assets including $10 million held in a local bank, four houses in Harare, 10 cars, one farm, his rural home and an orchard.



One of the properties is the palatial home known as Blue Roof in an upmarket suburb of the capital where Mugabe lived.



The list does not include several farms that he reportedly owned or a dairy business he ran with wife Grace, or any properties outside Zimbabwe.



The Herald said Mugabe&#8217;s lawyer Terrence Hussein had also asked the court to register the estate, saying he and the family had not found any will left by Zimbabwe&#8217;s founding leader.



Under Zimbabwean laws, the estate of a person who dies without a will is distributed between their spouse and children.



&#8220;Thus far, we have not been able to locate a will, but have sent out enquiries to other law firms, although the family members are not aware of any,&#8221; Hussein wrote in a letter to the High Court that was quoted by the Herald.



Hussein did not respond to calls and questions from Reuters for comment. Chikowore did not answer calls to her mobile phone.



A diplomatic cable from the U.S. Embassy in Harare in 2001 that was published by Wikileaks said Mugabe was rumoured to have more than $1 billion of assets in Zimbabwe and overseas but that it had no reliable information.



Social media posts showing his sons Robert Jr and Bellarmine Chatunga with bottles of expensive champagne at a Johannesburg nightclub and reports of Grace&#8217;s shopping sprees have offered tantalising glimpses of the family&#8217;s lavish spending.



A legal dispute in 2014 over a $5 million villa in Hong Kong suggested the family had been buying overseas property. The government said it owned the house.



Towards the end of his life, Mugabe complained about the size of his retirement package and said he did not have enough money to pay for the upkeep of the Blue Roof.



Mnangagwa hinted last week that the Mugabe family owned a number of farms in Zimbabwe and that the government would leave them with just one, in line with rules limiting farm ownership. 



(Reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe; Editing by Alison Williams and Catherine Evans)

gettyimages-177202645-594×594

How much money did Zimbabwe’s Mugabe leave behind?

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In Zimbabwe new reforms have introduced an interbank foreign exchange system, which is an official market to buy and sell foreign currency in Zimbabwe. Joining CNBC Africa to discuss the new measures for importers to declare sources of forex in Zimbabwe is Batanai Matsika, Head of Research at Morgan &#038; Co.

Zimbabwe

How Zim stocks are reacting to COVID-19

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Kenya rejects more Ugandan milk amid ongoing trade tensions

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Coca Cola Index: How economic productivity & standard of living compare among these Southern African countries

Morgan & Co on the main drivers for Zim’s economy in 2020

How corruption is undermining Zim’s turnaround plans

UN food agency says record 45 million people across Southern Africa face hunger

Fintech sector disruptor Cassava aiming for good returns in shift from physical to digital assets

Zimbabwe’s largest bank CBZ issues bonds under scheme to raise funds for maize, soy farming

Here’s why the Zim dollar is still not favoured amongst locals

Op-Ed: A new decade has arrived, will it be Zimbabwe’s?

The best and worst performing African stock exchanges in 2019

Wife of Zimbabwean vice president charged with his attempted murder

Why this analyst thinks Zim’s economic crisis offers great opportunity for bargain hunters

How much money did Zimbabwe’s Mugabe leave behind?

Zim’s new measures for importers to declare sources of forex

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Zimbabwe

How Zim stocks are reacting to COVID-19

Zimbabwe’s currency woes hurting companies

Kenya rejects more Ugandan milk amid ongoing trade tensions

Zimbabwe central bank leaves rates unchanged, bullish on inflation, what you need to know…

Coca Cola Index: How economic productivity & standard of living compare among these Southern African countries

Morgan & Co on the main drivers for Zim’s economy in 2020

How corruption is undermining Zim’s turnaround plans

UN food agency says record 45 million people across Southern Africa face hunger

Fintech sector disruptor Cassava aiming for good returns in shift from physical to digital assets

Zimbabwe’s largest bank CBZ issues bonds under scheme to raise funds for maize, soy farming

Here’s why the Zim dollar is still not favoured amongst locals

Op-Ed: A new decade has arrived, will it be Zimbabwe’s?

The best and worst performing African stock exchanges in 2019

Wife of Zimbabwean vice president charged with his attempted murder

Why this analyst thinks Zim’s economic crisis offers great opportunity for bargain hunters

How much money did Zimbabwe’s Mugabe leave behind?

Zim’s new measures for importers to declare sources of forex

News Tips

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