<figure class="wp-block-image size-large"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="820" height="547" src="https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Gabon-President-Bongo-to-run-for-re-election-in-Augus-820x547.jpg" alt="" class="wp-image-426119" srcset="https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Gabon-President-Bongo-to-run-for-re-election-in-Augus-820x547.jpg 820w, https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Gabon-President-Bongo-to-run-for-re-election-in-Augus-300x200.jpg 300w, https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Gabon-President-Bongo-to-run-for-re-election-in-Augus-135x90.jpg 135w, https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Gabon-President-Bongo-to-run-for-re-election-in-Augus-768x512.jpg 768w, https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Gabon-President-Bongo-to-run-for-re-election-in-Augus-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cms.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/Gabon-President-Bongo-to-run-for-re-election-in-Augus-scaled.jpg 2048w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 820px) 100vw, 820px" /><figcaption class="wp-element-caption">Gabonese President Ali Bongo Ondimba talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping (not pictured) during a meeting at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China, April 19, 2023. Ken Ishii/Pool via REUTERS/File photo</figcaption></figure>



LIBREVILLE, July 9 (Reuters) &#8211; Gabon President Ali Bongo will run for re-election in August, he said on Sunday, in a bid to extend his family&#8217;s 56-year grip on power in the Central African country.



&#8220;Because nothing matters more than your success, I am announcing today that I am a candidate&#8221;, Bongo told a small crowd of cheering supporters.



Elections are scheduled for Aug. 26.



Bongo, 64, has been president of the oil-producing nation for two seven-year terms since succeeding his father Omar, who died in 2009 after ruling since 1967. Gabon has no constitutional term limits.



Both of Bongo&#8217;s election wins were disputed by the opposition, who said he won fraudulently. His 2016 victory triggered deadly clashes between police and protesters during which the parliament building was gutted by fire.



Bongo&#8217;s re-election bid was thrown into doubt when he suffered a stroke in October 2018 and was flown to Morocco for medical treatment. He spent three months abroad but returned shortly after a coup attempt was thwarted in his absence. (Reporting by Gerauds Wilfried Obangome; Writing by Edward McAllister; Editing by Hugh Lawson)

Gabonese President Ondimba and Chinese President Xi meet in Beijing

Gabon President Bongo to run for re-election in August

Content provided by APO Group. CNBC Africa provides content from APO Group as a service to its readers and does not edit the articles it publishes. CNBC Africa is not responsible for the content provided by APO Group.
African Union Member States (55) reporting COVID-19 cases (4,812,313), deaths (130,025) and recoveries (4,351,816) by region: Central (172,873 cases; 2,781 deaths; 159,001 recoveries): Burundi (4,650; 6; 4,198), Cameroon (77,982; 1,270; 72,926), CAR (7,085; 97; 6,665), Chad (4,927; 173; 4,742), Congo (11,658; 153; 10,591), DRC (31,386; 782; 27,654), Equatorial Guinea (8,476; 113; 8,146), Gabon (24,365; 150; 21,791), Sao Tome and Principe (2,344; 37; 2,288) Eastern (647,406; 12,678; 536,199): Comoros (3,949; 146; 3,719), Djibouti (11,523; 153; 11,354), Eritrea (4,022; 14; 3,812), Ethiopia (270,944; 4,139; 235,850), Kenya (170,041; 3,124; 116,018), Madagascar (41,184; 828; 40,028), Mauritius (1,356; 17; 1,181), Rwanda (26,878; 352; 25,542), Seychelles (11,145; 40; 9,936), Somalia (14,647; 768; 6,717), South Sudan (10,688; 115; 10,514), Sudan (35,289; 2,600; 27,949), Tanzania** (509; 21; 178), Uganda (45,231; 361; 43,401) Northern (1,453,109; 43,808; 1,276,107): Algeria (128,198; 3,586; 89,292), Egypt (259,540; 14,950; 190,254), Libya (184,815; 3,116; 171,279), Mauritania (19,407; 462; 18,377), Morocco (518,458; 9,135; 506,443), Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (739; 46; 691), Tunisia (341,952; 12,513; 299,771) Southern (2,066,519; 64,531; 1,933,721): Angola (33,607; 745; 27,529), Botswana (56,313; 831; 50,494), Eswatini (18,587; 672; 17,855), Lesotho (10,825; 326; 6,434), Malawi (34,323; 1,154; 32,598), Mozambique (70,697; 835; 69,232), Namibia (54,268; 807; 50,053), South Africa (1,654,551; 56,293; 1,551,520), Zambia (94,430; 1,275; 91,443), Zimbabwe (38,918; 1,593; 36,563) Western (472,406; 6,227; 446,788): Benin (8,058; 101; 7,893), Burkina Faso (13,424; 166; 13,248), Cabo Verde (30,122; 261; 28,163), Côte d&#39;Ivoire (47,195; 301; 46,591), Gambia (5,990; 178; 5,767), Ghana (93,775; 784; 91,853), Guinea (23,110; 161; 20,840), Guinea Bissau (3,760; 68; 3,511), Liberia (2,179; 86; 2,033), Mali (14,262; 516; 9,559), Niger (5,409; 192; 5,080), Nigeria (166,254; 2,071; 156,546), Senegal (41,296; 1,138; 39,932), Sierra Leone (4,140; 79; 3,128), Togo (13,432; 125; 12,644)Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).
Media files

Coronavirus: African Union Member States reporting COVID-19 cases as of 29 May 2021, 9 am EAT

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Gabon is added to the list of African countries that have received an IMF loan under the Rapid Financing Instrument scheme; this is also the second loan to the country amid the COVID-19 crisis bringing the total loan to $300 million. Ridle Markus, Africa Strategist, Absa Corporate and Investment Banking joins CNBC Africa for more.

COVID-19: IMF approves second RFI loan to Gabon

By Akinwumi Adesina, President of the&nbsp;<a rel="noreferrer noopener" href="https://www.afdb.org/en" target="_blank">African Development Bank</a>



These are very difficult days, as the world faces one of its worst challenges ever: the novel coronavirus pandemic. And it seems almost no nation is spared. As infection rates rise, so does panic across financial markets, as economies drastically slow down, and supply chains are severely disrupted.&nbsp;



Extraordinary times call for extraordinary measures. As such, it can no longer be business as usual.&nbsp;



FOR MORE ON COVID-19 VISIT:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/covid-19/">https://www.cnbcafrica.com/covid-19/</a>



Each day, the situation evolves and requires constant reviews of precautionary measures and strategies. In the midst of all this, we must all worry about the ability of every nation to respond to this crisis. And we must ensure that developing nations are prepared to navigate these uncharted waters fully.&nbsp;



That&#8217;s why I support the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres&#8217; urgent call for special resources for the world&#8217;s developing countries.&nbsp;



In the face of this pandemic, we must put lives above resources and health above debt. Why? Because developing economies are the most vulnerable at this time. Our remedies must go beyond simply lending more. We must go the extra mile and provide countries with much-needed and urgent financial relief &#8211; and that includes developing countries under sanctions.&nbsp;



For decades, sanctions have decimated investments in public health care systems in quite a number of countries<a href="#_ftn1">[1]</a>.&nbsp;Today, they are unable to face up to a clear and present danger that now threatens our collective existence<a href="#_ftn2">[2]</a>.



Only those that are alive can pay back debts.&nbsp;&nbsp;



Sanctions work against economies but not against the virus. If countries that are under sanctions are unable to respond and provide critical care for their citizens or protect them, then the virus will soon &#8220;sanction&#8221; the world.



In my Yoruba language, there is a saying, &#8220;be careful when you throw stones in the open market. It may hit a member of your family.&#8221;&nbsp;&nbsp;



That&#8217;s why I also strongly support the call by the UN Secretary-General that debts of low-income countries be suspended and in these fast-moving and uncertain times.&nbsp;



But I call for even bolder actions, and there are several reasons for doing so.&nbsp;



First, the economies of developing countries, despite years of great progress, remain extremely fragile and ill-equipped to deal with this pandemic. They are more likely to be buried with the heavy fiscal pressure they now face with the coronavirus.&nbsp;



Second, many of the countries in Africa depend on commodities for export earnings. The collapse of oil prices has thrown African economies into distress. They simply are not able to meet budgets as planned under pre-coronavirus oil price benchmarks<a href="#_ftn3">[3]</a>.



The impact has been immediate in the oil and gas sector, particularly affecting eight countries -Algeria, Angola, Chad, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Nigeria, and the Republic of Congo- that between them generate nearly half of Africa&#8217;s GDP<a href="#_ftn4">[4]</a>.&nbsp;



Those exporting other commodities besides oil, such as agricultural produce or minerals and metals, are facing drastic cuts in demand<a href="#_ftn5">[5]</a>. In the current environment, there is an acute shortage of buyers who, for understandable reasons, have re-allocated resources to addressing the COVID-19 pandemic. African countries that depend on tourism receipts as a key source of revenue are also in a straight-jacket.&nbsp;



Third, while rich countries have resources to spare, evidenced by trillions of dollars in fiscal stimulus, developing countries are hampered with bare-bones resources.&nbsp;



The fact is, if we do not collectively defeat the coronavirus in Africa, we will not defeat it anywhere else in the world. This is an existential challenge that requires all hands to be on deck. Today, more than ever, we must be our brothers and sisters&#8217; keepers.&nbsp;&nbsp;



Around the world, countries at more advanced stages in the outbreak are announcing liquidity relief, debt restructuring, forbearance on loan repayments, relaxation of standard regulations and initiatives. In the United States, packages of more than $2 trillion have already been announced, in addition to a reduction in Federal Reserve lending rates and liquidity support to keep markets operating. In Europe, the larger economies have announced stimulus measures in excess of 1 trillion Euros. Additionally, even larger packages are expected.&nbsp;



As developed countries put in place programs to compensate workers for lost wages for staying at home for social distancing, another problem has emerged &#8212; fiscal distancing.



Think for a moment what this means for Africa.&nbsp;



The African Development Bank estimates that COVID-19 could cost Africa a GDP loss between&nbsp;$22.1 billion (see attached Bank report), in the base-case scenario, and $88.3 billion in the worst-case scenario. This is equivalent to a projected GDP growth contraction of between 0.7 and 2.8 percentage points in 2020. It is even likely that Africa might fall into recession this year if the current situation persists.



The Covid-19 shock will further squeeze fiscal space in the continent as deficits are estimated to widen by 3.5 to 4.9 percentage points, increasing Africa&#8217;s financing gap by an additional $110 to $154 billion in 2020.&nbsp;



Our estimates indicate that Africa&#8217;s total public debt could increase, under the base case scenario, from $1.86 trillion at the end of 2019 to over $2 trillion in 2020, compared to $1.9 trillion projected in a no-pandemic scenario. These figures could reach $2.1 trillion in 2020 under the worst-case scenario.



This, therefore, is a time for bold actions. We should temporarily defer the debt owed to Multilateral Development Banks and International Financial Institutions. This can be done by re-profiling loans to create fiscal space for countries to deal with this crisis.&nbsp;&nbsp;



That means that loan principals, due to International Financial Institutions in 2020, could be deferred. I am calling for temporary forbearance, not forgiveness. What&#8217;s good for bilateral and commercial debt must be good for multilateral debt.



That way, we will avoid moral hazards, and rating agencies will be less inclined to penalize any institution on the potential risk to their Preferred Creditor Status.&nbsp; The focus of the world should now be on helping everyone, as a risk to one is a risk to all. There is no coronavirus for developed countries and a coronavirus for developing and debt stressed countries. We are all in this together.&nbsp;&nbsp;



Multilateral and bilateral financial institutions must work together with commercial creditors in Africa, especially to defer loan payments and give Africa the fiscal space it needs. We stand ready to support Africa in the short term and for the long haul. We are ready to deploy up to $50 billion over five years in projects to help with adjustment costs that Africa will face as it deals with the knock-on effects of COVID-19, long after the current storm subsides.&nbsp;



But more support will be needed. Let&#8217;s lift all sanctions, for now. Even in wartime, ceasefires are called for humanitarian reasons. In such situations, there is a time to pause for relief materials to reach affected populations. The novel coronavirus is a war against all of us. All lives matter. For this reason, we must avoid fiscal distancing at this time. A stitch in time will save nine.&nbsp;&nbsp;



Social distancing is imperative now. Fiscal distancing is not.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;







<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



<a href="#_ftnref1">[1]</a>&nbsp;(<a href="https://www.odi.org/publications/384-impact-economic-sanctions-health-well-being" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://www.odi.org/publications/384-impact-economic-sanctions-health-well-being</a>, page 15)



<a href="#_ftnref2">[2]</a> (<a href="https://www.ghsindex.org/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://www.ghsindex.org/</a>)



<a href="#_ftnref3">[3]</a> AEO 2020&nbsp;<a href="https://www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/publications/african-economic-outlook" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/publications/african-economic-outlook</a>)



<a href="#_ftnref4">[4]</a> (AEO 2020&nbsp;<a href="https://www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/publications/african-economic-outlook" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://www.afdb.org/en/knowledge/publications/african-economic-outlook</a>)



<a href="#_ftnref5">[5]</a> <a href="https://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/press_room/5870.htm" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">https://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/press_room/5870.htm</a>&nbsp;&#8211; <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2020/03/08/investing/oil-prices-crash-opec-russia-saudi-arabia/index.html">https://edition.cnn.com/2020/03/08/investing/oil-prices-crash-opec-russia-saudi-arabia/index.html</a>

adesina

Op-Ed: Why the COVID-19 pandemic is no time for fiscal distancing

NKC African Economics expects the coronavirus-related knock to economic
growth in Africa’s three largest economies alone to shave off 1 ppt from the
continent’s GDP growth this year, from 3.8% to 2.8%. 



Preliminary estimates point towards the weakest continental growth
since the early 1990s.



The continent’s three largest economies, South Africa, Nigeria and
Egypt – together accounting for just under 60% of African GDP – will see a
significant weakening in economic growth this year. 



This slowdown in economic activity will permeate through the
continent as these countries are salient drivers behind economic growth in
their respective regions.&nbsp; 



In addition to the indirect effects stemming from weakness in the
largest economies, other African nations will also have to deal with a much
more volatile external economic environment. 



The collapse in tourism will weigh on economic growth in many
countries (particularly the island nations, Morocco, Egypt, and Tunisia), while
a reduction in both export demand and commodity prices will weaken fundamentals
in Africa’s more export-oriented economies (most notably the oil producing
nations).&nbsp; 



The escalation in the Covid-19 outbreak in Africa implies there is
a lot more at stake than foregone economic production. 



Most African countries will not be able to effectively implement
the severe restrictions on movement that we have seen globally. The
impracticality of implementing widespread self-quarantine in shantytowns or
informal settlements means that this will not be an option. Mismanagement of
the situation could lead to human costs far exceeding economic losses.



Tourism is a key forex generator and employment creator across the
continent. Severe travel restrictions, border closures and lockdowns in key
source markets will result in a collapse in tourism during the first half of
the year, at least. 



Domestic and intra-Africa tourism have been key drivers behind
growth in overall tourism in recent years, but as more Covid-19 cases are
confirmed on the continent we will see an increase in domestic travel
restrictions and regional border closures. 



The island nations will be hardest hit, but the mainland will feel
the effects in the North (particularly in Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt), South
(Namibia, Botswana), East (Tanzania, Rwanda, Kenya) and West (Côte d’Ivoire,
The Gambia, Cameroon). 



Low barriers to entry have led to tourism becoming a key source of
employment. The island nations in particular are dependent on tourism to
generate employment, most notably the Seychelles (where tourism accounts for
around 44% of formal employment), Cape Verde (39%) and Mauritius (19%). 



Tourism has also become a salient job creator on the African
mainland, and a slump in the sector could result in rapid job losses given the prevalence
of micro- and small-sized enterprises operating in the sector.&nbsp; 



The slowdown in global economic activity will translate into a
reduction in demand, while lower commodity prices will compound this negative
effect on exports. 



Africa’s energy exporters will struggle to come to terms with a
much more hostile external environment. Countries such as Nigeria, Angola and
Gabon are highly dependent on oil exports not only to generate forex but also
to fund government spending. 



Countries including Namibia, Zambia, Botswana and Mozambique are
dependent on mineral exports for the same reasons. 



Generally speaking, countries that have a GDP structure orientated
towards exports will feel the pain of a weaker external environment.



Lower international energy prices will have a detrimental impact
on the continent’s oil exporters, but many other countries stand to benefit. 



A reduction in the oil imports bill will have a favourable impact
on external balances while also containing consumer price inflation. Lower
inflation will support consumer spending at a time when a weak external
environment increases the importance of domestic consumption in driving overall
economic growth.&nbsp; 



The South African economy had already entered 2020 on a very
fragile footing before the dramatic external developments related to the
Covid-19 pandemic. NKC forecasts a 5% real GDP contraction this year. Domestic
policy uncertainty and supply-side constraints have now been accompanied by a
deterioration in global business sentiment and a drop in demand for South
African goods, all weighing on the country’s economic recovery prospects. 



In addition, the three-week long nationwide lockdown, which
commenced on March 27, will result in a collapse in consumer spending. The
outlook could deteriorate further if the lockdown is extended.&nbsp; 



The coronavirus has not as yet, as far as we know, taken
significant hold in Nigeria. However, the weaker external environment and more
specifically, the recent collapse in international oil prices, will have a
marked impact on the economy’s performance this year.



Lower oil prices will result in tighter FX liquidity, rising
inflation, falling investment, lower fiscal expenditure and easing consumption
growth. 



As a result, NKC has revised its growth projection sharply lower
to 1.2% this year, with risks still firmly stacked to the downside. 



A more severe domestic outbreak of Covid-19 would cause
significant disruption to daily economic activity, particularly when
considering the population density in the country’s biggest cities. 



Despite the Egyptian government’s efforts, the number of confirmed
Covid-19 cases continues to rise considerably. 



The president has urged all citizens to stay at home for a two-week
period and a night-time curfew has been declared, while the possibility of a
formal lockdown in some regions is also circulating in local media. 



The fiscal deficit is set to widen significantly over fiscal year
(FY) 2019/20 and FY 2020/21 following the announcement of a stimulus and
bail-out package to the value of approximately E£100bn. 



Government revenues already came in far below budget during the
first half of FY 2019/20 and will take a massive knock during the second half
of the fiscal year, which ends in June. 



Lower economic growth reflects weaker consumption, investment, and
exports. 



The recently announced fiscal stimulus measures, however, should
prevent a collapse in domestic demand. 



The economic impact of the coronavirus epidemic will be
considerable, but the human costs will be higher yet. 



As of end March South Africa remains the hardest-hit African
country from a confirmed-case perspective and the expected economic hardship
reflects this. 



However, South Africa is also arguably the best-placed country on
the continent to deal with the pandemic. While it does have a large
immuno-compromised population due to its struggles with HIV, the country might
be able to leverage its sophisticated private healthcare sector to supplement
inadequate public services. 



Most other African nations will not have this benefit. 



Confirmed Covid-19 cases will undoubtedly increase across the
continent in coming weeks, and timely and effective government responses will
be required to ensure that this does not become another African tragedy.



Jacques Nel – Head of Africa Macro



For more coverage on COVID-19 visit: <a href="https://www.cnbcafrica.com/covid-19/">https://www.cnbcafrica.com/covid-19/</a>

Clarification on COVID-19 “hotspots” as SA moves to level 3 lockdown

Op-Ed: African giants to stumble due to Covid-19 pandemic

NAIROBI/ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) &#8211; More African nations confirmed their first cases of the coronavirus and shut borders amid fears of the disease’s impact on fragile health systems, as Chinese billionaire and Alibaba co-founder Jack Ma pledged to donate over 1 million testing kits to the continent.



Thirty African countries &#8211; more than half the continent &#8211; are now treating nearly 400 patients with coronavirus, after Tanzania, Liberia, Benin and Somalia said they registered their first cases. 



Africa had until recently been spared the rapid spread of COVID-19, which has infected at least 180,000 people worldwide and caused over 7,000 deaths. But health experts are concerned the continent’s often dilapidated health infrastructure will struggle to cope as cases mount. 



“We cannot ignore the potential risk to Africa and assume this continent of 1.3 billion people will blissfully escape the crisis. The world cannot afford the unthinkable consequences of a COVID-19 pandemic in Africa,” Ma’s foundation said in a statement. 



The foundation will send 1.1	million testing kits, 6 million masks and 60,000 protective suits and face shields to Ethiopia for distribution to Africa’s 54 nations, it said. 



Earlier on Monday, the World Bank said it had committed $60 million to Kenya to help the East African nation battle the outbreak. 



Some countries on the continent, such as conflict-hit Somalia, depend on donors to support basic public health facilities. 



Somalian Health Minister Fawziya Abikar Nur said the ministry had quarantined and tested four Somalis who came from China last week, and one had tested positive for the respiratory disease. International flights to Somalia were suspended for two weeks, the aviation minister said. 



In West Africa, the small and impoverished nation of Liberia announced its first case. Liberia was devastated by a 2014 Ebola epidemic that killed 4,000 people, and its healthcare system has remained underfunded despite promises of investment. 



Benin, considered a relatively stable democracy in the turbulent West African region, also announced its first case. The Health Ministry said the Beninois national was being held in an isolation ward in the capital after returning from Belgium and Burkina Faso on March 11. 



The Health Ministry in the East African nation of Tanzania also confirmed its first case, a Tanzanian woman who had travelled to Denmark, Sweden and Belgium. She had her temperature taken at the airport but had no fever and was allowed to pass, but later felt unwell at her hotel, the ministry said. [L8N2B913C] 



Also on Monday, Rwanda, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Senegal and Cameroon all reported more cases and South African Finance Minister Tito Mboweni said his nation, which has 62 cases so far, may need to raid other government departments for funds to fight the disease. He did not provide any figures. 



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">CRACKDOWN AS BORDERS CLOSE </h3>



Many African nations, including some without reported cases, have ordered tougher control measures, including bans on public gatherings, halting flights and closing schools and universities. 



In northern Africa, Tunisia said it would suspend international flights and close its land border in an effort to contain the spread of the virus. 



Botswana, in southern Africa, said on Monday it would bar entry to travellers from 18 high-risk countries, including China, Britain, the United States, Iran, France and Italy. 



In West Africa, Senegal said it would suspend flights to and from France, Italy, Spain, Belgium and Portugal, as well as Tunisia and Algeria, for a period of 30 days. 



Ivory Coast said it would bar entry to travellers from countries with over 100 cases, although Ivorian citizens and residents would be allowed to return if they went into quarantine for 14 days. It also closed schools, nightclubs and cinemas and banned gatherings of over 50 people, according to a national security council statement. 



Ethiopia, Africa’s second-largest nation, joined the growing list of countries that closed schools for two weeks, suspended all large gatherings and cancelled all sports events, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s office said. 



Government buses will give people free rides to curb overcrowding in the public transport system, a statement said. 



In Central Africa, Congo Republic said it would suspend all flights from high-risk countries from Thursday. Neighbouring Gabon reduced the number of flights from abroad to one a week per airline and ordered restaurants to close, barring takeout and delivery. 



Nigeria’s Health Ministry said the country, Africa’s most populous, had strengthened contact tracing, stockpiled reagents used in test kits and increased testing capacity. 



Also on Monday, Kenyan police raided a clinic alleged to be selling fake coronavirus testing kits. Police detained staff and locked the facility, witnesses told Reuters journalists at the scene, after it had been advertising testing kits online. 



(Reporting by Giulia Paraviciniin Addis Ababa, Adbi Sheikh in Mogadishu, Omar Mohammed, Baz Ratner and David Lewis in Nairobi, Juliette Jabkhiro in Dakar, Clement Uwiringiyiman in Kigali; Olivia Kumwenda in Johannesburg and Elias Biryabarema in Kampala; Diadie Ba in Dakar; Christian Elion in Brazzaville; Loucoumane Coulibaly in Abidjan; Gerauds Wilfried Obangome in Libreville; Writing by George Obulutsa, Katharine Houreld and Alessandra Prentice; Editing by William Maclean, Steve Orlofsky and Peter Cooney)



This article was first published on Reuters Africa <a href="https://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFKBN214194-OZATP">https://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFKBN214194-OZATP</a> and is republished with its permission.

More African countries confirm first coronavirus cases as Jack Ma pledges aid

LIBREVILLE/ACCRA (Reuters) &#8211; Gabon and Ghana confirmed their first cases of coronavirus on Thursday, becoming the ninth and tenth countries in sub-Saharan Africa to register positive cases. 



The region has so far been less badly hit by coronavirus than Europe or China. Ivory Coast, Nigeria, Senegal, Cameroon, Togo, South Africa, Burkina Faso and Democratic Republic of Congo have also registered cases. 



In a statement, Gabon’s government said its case was a 27-year-old Gabonese man who had returned from France on March 8. 



Ghana’s health ministry said its two cases were people who had returned recently from Norway and Turkey. 



“These are imported cases of COVID-19. Both patients are currently being kept in isolation and are stable,” the ministry said in a statement. 



More than 127,000 people have been infected globally and over 4,700 have died since the virus first emerged in China late last year, according to a Reuters tally. 



Sub-Saharan Africa did not confirm its first coronavirus infection until Feb. 28 in Nigeria, but experts warn that rising cases could test already fragile health systems. 



(Writing by Alessandra Prentice; Editing by Himani Sarkar)



This article was first published on Reuters Africa <a href="https://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFKBN2100UD-OZATP">https://af.reuters.com/article/topNews/idAFKBN2100UD-OZATP</a> and is republished with its permission.

Ghana, Gabon confirm first cases of coronavirus

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What do an up and coming international airport in Rwanda, a wind farm in Cape Verde and a special economic zone in Gabon have in common? They are all projects that the Africa Finance Corporation has funded. CNBC Africa spoke with Samaila Zubairu, CEO of AFC to hear his take on the discussions happening during this year’s Africa CEO Forum.

Africa Finance Corporation expresses support to regional integration

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Gabon&#8217;s Minister of communication announced that the soldiers involved in the coup attempt have been arrested. Earlier today military officers in Gabon tried to stage a coup, seizing the state&#8217;s radio station in protest against President Ali Bongo. Could the swift end of the coup secure the country&#8217;s economic strength going forward? Charles Robertson, Global chief Economist at Renaissance Capital joins CNBC Africa for more.

Gabon coup soldiers arrested

By Francois Conradie, Head of Research at NKC African Economics
As President Ali Bongo remains incommunicado, there are signs that the top figures in his Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG) are preparing to reveal the seriousness of his condition, and then trigger the process that will lead to a fresh presidential election.
Mr Bongo has not been seen since he suffered a stroke on October 24 while on a visit to Saudi Arabia. The very first reports from the government’s spokespeople were that the president needed some rest for exhaustion, although rumours of a stroke quickly reached the international media.
On November 11, Ike Ngouoni, the government’s spokesman, spoke of “bleeding” but tried reassuring Gabonese that the president “continues to exercise his functions”. On Tuesday, November 27, his wife confirmed that he would continue his treatment in Morocco; he and King Mohammed VI are childhood friends.
Article 13 of the 1991 constitution provides that, in case there is a “definitive obstacle” to the elected president exercising his functions, as determined by the Constitutional Council, then a fresh election must be held within 45 days from the date that the definitive obstacle has been decided.
This is a short period of time and, given the highly centralised nature of rule in Gabon under both Mr Bongo and his late father Omar, there is no obvious successor to the president.
We think key figures in the PDG, including the Bongo family, want to be certain who the party’s candidate will be in that election before they let the Constitutional Council make the declaration that will trigger the election process. (Marie-Madeleine Mborantsuo, who has presided the Council since 1991, had a long romantic relationship with Omar Bongo and is close to Ali Bongo.)
The Council has already made a constitutional pronouncement of some weight, which allows Vice-President Pierre-Claver Maganga Moussavou to chair a cabinet meeting (which happened for the first time on November 16).
On Saturday, November 24, the High Communication Authority (HAC), which regulates broadcasting, announced that the opposition National Union (UN) was banned from access to state-owned media for three months in relation to UN leaders’ failure to explain to the government’s satisfaction what they meant when they said that the government’s communication in relation to the state of Mr Bongo’s health was a “state lie”.
Meanwhile the African Union (AU) is reportedly considering sending an observer mission to Gabon, and the National Organisation of Petroleum Employees (Onep) is growing more combative in a labour dispute that opposes it to Total Gabon.
The state has not communicated anything about Mr Bongo’s health since November 8 – not even something like the meticulously staged video appearances by means of which the Algerian power structure reassures its citizens of the state of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika’s health.
We think Mr Bongo’s condition is extremely serious and that he plays no role in the government of Gabon. If the PDG has been able to agree on a broadly acceptable replacement, then we think the definitive obstacle will shortly be declared and an extremely fluid and unpredictable pre-election period will commence, in which the PDG will be advantaged by the state media muzzle imposed on the UN.
But until that consensus is reached (and the arguments might last for some time) the current embargo on information will apply, while stability in Gabon slowly trends negative.

Op-Ed: Here’s what could trigger an early presidential election in Gabon

By Francois Conradie – Head of Research at NKC African Economics
Gabon is about to finally hold its legislative election, a poll that was originally scheduled for December 2016, but which has been delayed repeatedly owing to President Ali Bongo’s efforts to defuse political tensions that followed his dodgy win in that year’s presidential poll.
The first round is to take place on October 6 (the same day as local authority elections) and the second round on October 27. Mr Bongo’s Gabonese Dlegislative electionemocratic Party (PDG) is the very strong favourite to retain its majority (in the outgoing Parliament, 113 out of 120 deputies), but we expect its majority will shrink.
In 2011, the year of the last legislative election, the opposition called for a boycott so the PDG won the lion’s share of seats, and parties allied to it won another five seats, leaving only two for the opposition. This time, however, a significant part of the opposition will participate.
Although Jean Ping, the probable real winner of the 2016 presidential election, is still keeping out of the fray and calling for a boycott, many senior politicians who were in his camp two years ago are going to contest the election.
The two important opposition parties that are contesting are the National Union (UN) of Zacharie Myboto (which is the party of Mr Bongo’s late political rival, André Mba Obame) and the Heritage and Modernity Rally (RHM) of Alexandre Barro-Chambrier.
Mr Myboto was general secretary of the PDG under Mr Bongo’s father Omar, while Mr Barro-Chambrier has held several ministerial positions and is a member of the outgoing Parliament.
The UN and RHM arrived at a national-level agreement not to compete with each other, but this deal has broken down in about 20 constituencies, where they will put up competing candidates.
Guy Nzouba-Ndama, also a former PDG heavyweight and National Assembly Speaker, is leading a party called The Democrats, and has committed not to compete against opposition candidates in the second round.
The elections are taking place in an environment of heated public opposition to austerity policies Mr Bongo is introducing, on advice from the IMF, to deal with stressed public finances.
Strikes and marches are more common than usual, and there are reports of civil servants not receiving their salaries.
We expect the PDG to easily retain its majority, but for more opposition candidates, including some of the bigger names, to win seats.
We also expect Mr Bongo to include a few opposition bigwigs in the government he will name after the vote. This will increase the political capital he has to push through reforms, so we will then expect further welcome action to cut government spending, but opposition to these measures from trade unions will not diminish, and we expect to keep reading about public-sector strikes.
The threat of strike action is lower in the private sector, including at Total Gabon, where some recent unhappiness among workers seems to have been quelled.

OpEd: The outlook for the legislative election in Gabon

By Francois Conradie, Head of Research at NKC African Economics
Workers at Total Gabon, members of the National Organisation of Petroleum Employees (Onep), have issued a statement saying they plan to go on a 15-day strike from Saturday, June 30.
Their demands are unpaid bonuses, a reduction in the number of foreign workers and some reassurances about job security. The statement, which was issued on Monday, June 24, follows an all-hands meeting held on June 19 in Port-Gentil at which union representatives raised some of these issues.
The strike has the potential to disrupt oil production and, if it is extended beyond the planned 15 days, to affect Gabon’s overall economy.
Nor are the Onep workers the only ones planning a strike. Civil servants are deeply unhappy about a press conference held on Monday at which Ike Ngouoni, a spokesman for President Ali Bongo, announced a plan to cut wages for government workers.
Government wants to try to conform to guidelines from the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa (Cemac) that the public sector wage bill should equal 35% of government revenues, rather than the 59% that they currently represent in Gabon.
Salaries for workers earning more than CFAFr2m a year are being cut by 15%, another effort is being made to eliminate a ghost worker problem, operating budgets are being cut by between 5% and 15%, and staff numbers are to be slashed in all departments.
Mr Ngouoni said that government intended to save CFAFr70bn a year or more by means of these initiatives. In response, Jean-Remi Yama, chairman of Unitary Dynamic, the biggest trade union in Gabon, threatened “radical action” in response, saying that the government should have started by cutting the number of political appointees. 
Research academics at the University of Science and Technology of Masuku have been on strike since Friday, June 22, demanding payment for overtime worked last year and efforts to address operating issues at the university. They have also indicated their refusal to work any more overtime.
One bit of good news on the same day was the announcement that a four-month strike by court clerks had come to an end, promising some relief for the overstretched prison system.
The trade union movement in Gabon is historically a combative one and strikes are common. However, it has been a while since there was labour action in the crucial petroleum sector. The efforts by Total to solve workers’ problems are important here.
There is also some risk that these demands from unions could begin to overlap with co-ordinated civil society action in response to cost of living concerns, as fuel and inflation prices have been increasing. 
Moreover, while civil servants are upset about potential salary cuts and layoffs, fiscal consolidation is and should continue to be a top priority for the government.
The country has run into substantial domestic and external arrears lately and more control over the wage bill is one of the key areas where the government hopes to optimise fiscal policy.
Spending should be kept in check, especially as uncertainty looms in the hydrocarbons sector due to volatile oil prices and maturing oil fields, which could put pressure on future revenue collection.

How 15-day planned strike by Total Gabon oil workers could impact the country’s economy

<figure><img decoding="async" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/219387/original/file-20180517-155564-upsa5z.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="File 20180517 155564 upsa5z.jpg?ixlib=rb 1.1" /><figcaption>Burundi’s Pierre Nkurunziza is one of many authoritarian African leaders. 
AMISOM Public Information/Flickr</figcaption></figure>
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cheryl-hendricks-267661">Cheryl Hendricks</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/gabriel-ngah-kiven-482032">Gabriel Ngah Kiven</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a>
There is mounting concern in Africa about a lack of leadership as well as an increasing trend of hard-won democratic rights being reversed. One way this is being done is through presidential term limits being abandoned, or extended. This in turn is leading to a reemergence of authoritarian politics, and political violence.
Extending or abolishing term limits is not unique to the continent. Russia’s President Vladimir Putin won a fourth term <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/18/world/europe/election-russia-putin-president.html">in March 2018</a> after changes to the constitution and some nimble political footwork. And the Chinese parliament <a href="https://www.independent.ie/.../china-abolishes-presidential-term-limits-36692282.html">recently voted</a> to abolish term limits allowing for the possibility of President Xi Jinping becoming president for life. Given that Russia and China play an influential role on the African continent these events don’t bode well for the future of presidents sticking to term limits on the continent.
Burundi is a case in point. A poll <a href="https://theconversation.com/democracy-in-peril-burundis-referendum-will-cement-nkurunzizas-grip-on-power-96544">is being held</a> to amend the constitution to extend presidential term limits from five to seven years. Incumbency would be restricted to two consecutive terms. But the amendment doesn’t apply retroactively which means that President Pierre Nkurunziza could possibly remain in office until 2034. If he lives that long (he’s 55-years-old), and given that he assumed the position in 2005, this would make him president for 29 years.
Burundi is far from alone. Rwanda, Togo, Gabon, Uganda, Chad, Cameroon, Djibouti, Republic of Congo, Sudan, Eritrea, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have all fiddled with term limits. They’ve done this by abolishing, amending or ignoring them, or by simply not holding elections. Other countries such as Ethiopia, Gambia, Lesotho, and Morocco <a href="https://africacenter.org/spotlight/term-limits-for-african-leaders-linked-to-stability/">have never</a> introduced term limits.
Some bids to remove or extend term limits and have failed. These include Frederick Chiluba in 2001 and more recently Edgar Lungu in Zambia, Olusegun Obesanjo of Nigeria (2005), Mamadou Tandja of Niger(2009-2010) and Blaise Compaore of Burkino Faso (2014).
Noteworthy is the fact that many West African countries actually adhere to term limits. This was recognised recently when Ellen Johnson Sirleaf received the Mo Ibrahim <a href="http://mo.ibrahim.foundation/prize/">leadership prize</a> after duly serving her constitutionally mandated term.
The upward trend of amending or abolishing constitutional term limits is likely to increase if organisations like the African Union (AU) don’t deal with the problem. In many countries citizens showing their disapproval, have been met with repression and violence. Large-scale political violence is likely to be the consequence if the trend persists.
<h2>A rolling back of rights</h2>
Africa went through a wave of democratisation from the 1990s. Citizens took to the streets demanding democratic rights. In many countries, the uprisings ended decades of one-partyism and personal rule. The key demands were for multi-party democracy, constitutionalism and that democratic norms and standards be institutionalised.
It’s in this milieu that countries adopted a bill of rights, the rule of law, checks and balances and term limits. Presidential term limits were deemed necessary for a number of reasons. The view was that <a href="http://africanarguments.org/2015/10/05/how-and-why-term-limits-matter">they would enable</a> better governance, equal opportunity to serve in government, curb patronage politics as well as end authoritarianism. These norms and standards were also seen as a way to stabilise countries <a href="http://www.monitor.co.ug/SpecialReports/688342-688342-ptx9ooz/index.html">politically</a>.
It certainly seems that these constitutional gains are being eroded by heads of state seeking to prolong their stay in power. There also appears to be little concerted attempt by bodies such as the AU to stop the erosion of hard-fought for democratic rights.
The AU’s silence may be because of ambiguity in norms and policy, and because of its leadership. The AU’s Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, which was ratified in 2012, rejects unconstitutional changes of government. But it doesn’t say anything specifically about abolishing term limits. <a href="http://archive.ipu.org/idd-E/afr_charter.pdf">Article 23 (5)</a> notes that countries will have appropriate sanction imposed on them if there are:
<blockquote>Any amendment or revision of the constitution or legal instruments, which is an infringement on the principals of democratic change of government</blockquote>
But it doesn’t spell out what type of amendments are being referred to.
The second factor has to do with the fact that many holding leadership positions at the AU are the same men who have amended or abandoned term limits – or come from the countries that have done so. This suggests the organisation won’t be tackling the “third termism” trend any time soon.
<h2>Spurious reasons for extending stays</h2>
A number of arguments have been put forward by leaders seeking to extend, or simply abandoning, term limits.
One is that term limits prevent <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Mugabe-slams-two-term-limit-on-African-leaders-20150614">people’s choice</a> of president. Another is that African leaders have much more to do to bring about development and therefore need more time. A third is that they have the sovereign right to govern and change constitutions as they see fit. And finally, the strongman argument around a president’s ability to keep the country united and to create peace and stability.
Rwanda is a case in point. President Paul Kagame <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/08/05/rwandas-paul-kagame-landslide-poll-win-around-98-votes/">received 99%</a> of the vote in August 2017. There’s no gainsaying that there have been remarkable achievements in rebuilding a post-genocide Rwanda. But if there isn’t anybody (and this is doubtful) capable of challenging Kagame after 18 years of rule, then he hasn’t created an environment for democratic leadership to emerge.
We should also be wary of election results that yield 99% support as this smacks of the heyday of one-man and one-party rule.
<h2>The curse of third terminism</h2>
As Africans prepare to celebrate Africa Day on the 25th of May, we need to keep in mind the ideas that inspired <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/organisation-african-unity-oau">formation</a> of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963 and the <a href="https://au.int/en/history/oau-and-au">African Union</a> in 2001. These were the Pan-African ideals of political and economic integration, solidarity, unity, dignity, justice and equality for all.
The growing trend of “third termism” is likely to prevent African countries from reaching these goals yet again as the interests of individuals are placed above those of citizens and countries.
Africa needs visionary and courageous leadership, not benevolent or autocratic rulers. It needs leaders that can create the enabling environment for democracy, peace, and development to thrive and endure, and for citizens to live to their fullest potential.
Africa also needs citizens who will hold leaders to account and who will contribute to the realisation of the vision of a democratic pan-African future.
As Africans we don’t have to make a choice between democracy and development. We deserve both.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cheryl-hendricks-267661">Cheryl Hendricks</a>, Professor of Political Science, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/gabriel-ngah-kiven-482032">Gabriel Ngah Kiven</a>, PhD candidate in Political Studies at the Department of Politics and International Relations , <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/presidential-term-limits-slippery-slope-back-to-authoritarianism-in-africa-96796">original article</a>.

Op-Ed: Is Africa on a slippery slope back to authoritarianism?

Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, March 15, 2018 &#8211; “Aside from the 2017 Winter Olympics, the annual meeting of the African Development Bank this May in Korea, is the most important event on our calendar,” says Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Strategy and Finance, Kim Dong Yen.
He made the remarks in Seoul, while hosting a delegation led by Bank President, Akinwumi Adesina. According to Yeon, the meetings provide Korea with an opportunity to deepen relationships with the African Development Bank, African governments, and the private sector.
Yeon mentioned that as part of a larger strategic engagement with Africa, Korea is interested in developing an Tech Corp human exchange and learning platform that would provide talented young Korean professionals with opportunities to serve in the public and private sector of the bank’s member nations.
Adesina, noted that asymmetrical or insufficient information and communication about African investment opportunities was a problem that needed to be fixed. He said a bilateral Tech Corp exchange would provide talented young Africans with much needed exposure and experiential learning in Korea.
During meetings with Mayor Suh Byung-Soo of Busan, Korea’s technologically innovative ‘smart city,’ Adesina promoted the Bank’s African Investment Forum in November 2018, stating that Africa was open for business, and that the forum would be ‘short on talk’ and ‘high on transactions and project pipelines.’
According to Mayor Byung-Soo, his country is highly interested in a Korea-Africa business forum that would open up doors for investment and development in Africa, and in leveraging opportunities for technological exchanges with Africa.
The African Development Bank team also visited Silla University, where school President Tae-Hak Park took the delegation on a tour of the country’s largest drone testing site and the University’s live simulation center. Silla is at the forefront of Korea’s industrial drone technology and the development of platforms supporting artificial intelligence, robotics, and Busan’s dynamic transition into a knowledge economy.
The Chairman and President of the Korea EXIM Bank, Sung-Soo Eun, said, “if the African Development Bank in conjunction with other MDBs can help de-risk investments and stabilize local currencies and exchanges rates, and continue commitments to regulatory and policy reforms, there will be significant Korean investments on the continent.”
Kang-rae Lee, the President of Korea Expressway Corporation, highlighted Korea’s Cooperative Intelligent Transportation System, a national road network using a combination of CCTV, data, cloud computing, drones, and real time simulation, to create an efficient road network. Korea Expressway Corporation collected close to $4 billion in tolls in 2017.
While noting that only 15% of Africa’s trade was internal, Adesina said one of the Bank’s key agendas, Integrating Africa, was essential for the rapid movement of people, goods, and services, as well as Africa’s economic and social transformation.
Earlier, Adesina hosted members of Africa’s Diplomatic community in Seoul to a dinner reception. Guests included Ambassadors Albino Malungo, Angola; Sylvestre Kouassi Bile, Cote d’Ivoire; Mohammed Gello, Kenya; Nozuko Gloria Bam, South Africa; Amin Mohammed Dalhatu, Nigeria; Nabih El Abed, Tunisia; Wilbur Simuusa, Zambia; Hazem Fahmy, Egypt; Emma Francois Isumbingabo, Rwanda; Chafik Rachadi, Morocco; Shiferaw Jarso Tedecha, Ethiopia; Difie, Agyarko Kusi, Ghana; Ruth Solange Akoume, Gabon; and Adrian Theater of Belgium.
Noting that Africa will be home to 500 million people by 2050, Ambassador Malungo said, “while the continent is urgently diversifying its economies, it is now time to dream of and create a new Africa.”
Busan will host the Annual Meetings of the African Development Bank from May 21 &#8211; 25, 2018.

Korea ready to host African Development Bank’s Annual Meetings – Deputy Prime Minister

David E Kiwuwa | Princeton University
Despite Gabon’s vast oil wealth a third of its citizens live on $1.25 a day or less. In fact, the country is best known for having had one of the longest serving leaders in modern times outside of a monarch.
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="aligncenter wp-image-40317 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/gabon_president_-_wikimedia.jpeg" alt="Gabon's Pres. Bongo shrugs off international calls for vote recount" width="730" height="425" />
&nbsp;
And now, like a number of other African countries, Gabon is dabbling in controversial constitutional reforms. Recent constitutional changes have marked a consolidation of what the opposition has called a “power grab”. The changes remove presidential term limits, effectively allowing President Ali Bongo Ondimba to rule for life. He has also been empowered to make policy decisions without the input of political stakeholders.
The highly controversial constitutional amendments had minimal public input and were designed to consolidate the power of the executive. This will allow the president to rule without consultation, a kind of untamed presidency. The opposition has pointed to changes that undermine democracy and good governance. This is especially the case because some of these changes require Gabon’s defence and security heads to take an oath of allegiance to the president.
While some compromises have been reached between the government and the opposition, for instance the agreement to reinstate the electoral run-off system that had been replaced with a single round of voting, the overriding impact of the amendments will be to concentrate power in the presidency. This will constrain institutional oversight and consultative governance. It will also limit the role of the opposition in holding the government to account.
The net effect of these changes is to give the president the powers of an absolute monarch. How will Gabon cope with a constitutional autocracy? And what impact will an unconstrained presidency have on the tiny West African nation?
I believe that, in the short run, the changes Ali Bongo has pushed through may stifle opposing voices. But in the long run it is likely to galvanise them to mobilise for his ouster.
<h2>Ali Bongo’s uncertain future</h2>
In the 1990s popular pressure across Africa paved the way for political and constitutional reforms in Gabon. Its second president, Omar Bongo Ondimba allowed multiparty politics for the first time and the country held its first multiparty elections. His Gabonese Democratic Party went on to win against a weak and divided opposition.
Bongo senior was elected in 1967, ruling for 42 years until his death in 2009. He was a master of politics, creating a pervasive patronage system that was financed by the country’s vast oil reserves. It is Africa’s fifth largest producer.
He co-opted and rewarded a burgeoning political elite which allowed him to stave off coups and civil strife for most of his reign.
His son, Ali Bongo Ondimba was elected in 2009, just four months after the death of his father. He has maintained his father’s stranglehold on the country’s opposition and the country’s democratic development.
However, despite a dominant party system and its legacy of authoritarianism, Bongo junior might not be able to stick to power for as long as his father. The winds of political change are once again blowing through the continent and Gabon’s opposition, led by former Bongo senior ally Jean Ping, is growing in strength.
Ping claims to have won the most recent elections but says that he was cheated of victory by the incumbent.
With 48.23% of the vote in the last elections, against the incumbent’s 49.8%, the opposition registered a relatively good performance. The 6000 votes that separated them don’t bode well for Ali Bongo. He may be in power now but it might not be for long.
In addition, Gabon’s oil revenues are dwindling. This is bad news for a country that is resource dependent. With less petro dollar flowing in the economy, Ali Bongo’s expensive patronage system will suffer and he may start to lose support.
<h2>African renaissance</h2>
Gambia’s current constitutional changes mirror trends in some African countries where incumbents have tinkered with their constitutions to weaken oversight systems and systematically erode democratic principles.
Some of them, like Burundi, have removed presidential term limits, and others like Uganda, presidential age limits.
In Gabon, the latest constitutional changes will limit the opposition’s ability to hold the executive to account. They will also undermine the previous consultative framework that would have given the opposition some leverage to play a part in governance.
But I believe there’s a silver lining to the dark cloud over Africa’s politics. African autocrats are slowly being eased out. Incumbents might tinker with the rules of the game, and shift goal posts but they cannot escape the inevitable: Change will come. It’s only a matter of when and how.<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92604/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />Just look at Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, Angola’s José Eduardo Dos Santos, Gambia’s Yahya Jammeh, and Burkina Faso’s Blaise Compaoré. The pressure is also rising on the presidents of Togo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Cameroon.
This article was originally published on The Conversation.

Why there may be a silver lining to Ali Bongo’s power grab in Gabon

Gabon accused French environmental services group Veolia on Tuesday of widespread pollution at SEEG, the power and water utility it operates there, amid a growing dispute over the company’s concession.
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="aligncenter wp-image-40293 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/gabon_-_public_domain.jpg" alt="African Union plans to mediate in Gabon election crisis" width="725" height="490" />
Veolia, which has already threatened legal action after the government seized SEEG earlier this month and said it would cancel its concession, rejected the accusations.
Speaking to reporters in the capital Libreville, government spokesman Alain-Claude Bilie By Nze said an environmental inspection of power and water pumping stations discovered “nearly all” SEEG sites were contaminated by petroleum waste.
“This is a very serious situation since, at this stage, aside from the obvious environmental damage, no one knows the consequences this pollution could have had or could have on public health,” he said.
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He said that on top of legal penalties of up to 500 million CFA francs ($946,110) for each polluted site, Gabon would force SEEG to shoulder the clean-up costs.
Responding to the accusations, Veolia stated that the water it distributed continued to conform to World Health Organization standards and Gabonese regulations.
“It is surprising that none of the inspections of the public authorities &#8230; ever highlighted environmental damage,” it said. “The SEEG is subject to regular audits by the Gabonese authorities, more than 10 in the last 10 years.”
Negotiations between the government and Veolia over the concession broke down in October, and authorities seized SEEG earlier this month, citing years of poor service quality.
Veolia in turn blamed the government for failing to live up to its investment obligations, and on Tuesday said the state owed SEEG over 29 billion CFA francs in consumption charges and unpaid value-added tax reimbursements.
Gabon spokesman Bilie by Nze said the government had called for an audit of its 13 billion CFA consumption bill.
He rejected accusations it had neglected SEEG and said the state had invested around 1 trillion CFA francs in the company, around three times more than Veolia.
($1 = 528.4800 CFA francs)
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Reporting by Gerauds Wilfried Obangome; Additional reporting by Laurence Frost in Paris; Writing by Joe Bavier; editing by David Evans
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Gabon accuses France’s Veolia of polluting amid concession dispute

Francois Conradie | NKC African Economics
French utilities giant Veolia is leaving Gabon after it was unable to get its way in negotiations over the renewal of its contract with the State.
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="aligncenter wp-image-40293 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/gabon_-_public_domain.jpg" alt="African Union plans to mediate in Gabon election crisis" width="725" height="490" />
The break-up follows years of poor service delivery by the French company, which has been present in Gabon since 1997. More recently, in the context of negotiations about renewing the first 20-year contract, consumers have been more visible: groups of consumer rights advocates have held sit ins in front of Veolia’s local subsidiary, the Water and Electricity Company of Gabon (SEEG), complaining about poor delivery and inflated bills.
On Friday, February 16, negotiations to renew the contract finally failed. The State decided the contract would not be renewed and requisitioned the local subsidiary.
“In the interest of preserving continuity and quality in the public provision of drinking water and electric energy, the Gabonese state has proceeded exceptionally to the temporary requisition of the company,” Water and Energy Minister Patrick Eyogo Edzang wrote in a statement. Police accompanied the court official who delivered the State’s decision to the company.
On Monday, February 19, the staff of SEEG held a meeting at which executives under the leadership of Marcellin Massila Akendengue, the new interim chief executive, reassured staff about their future with the company.
According to Mr Eyogo Edzang, Veolia had threatened the government with water cuts; he told the trade union leaders at SEEG: “They told us: ‘If it’s like that, if you don’t do it our way, we’ll cut the power in Gabon. You can see what you’re going to do.’ It was intolerable.”
The Gabonese State’s move is a bold one.
It is certain that Veolia was derelict in running its business; it is much less certain that civil servants will be able to do better.
If the State continues to manage SEEG, then issues with service delivery may well persist or in fact grow worse, affecting perceptions of government legitimacy. It may also be that the requisition was a negotiating tactic to cut the French company down to size.
Veolia’s public relations executives seem to be hard at work to persuade public opinion that the requisition was some sort of arbitrary violation of its property rights; it was not.
If Veolia (a hugely influential cog in the French export machine) does finally lose the contract, we would expect media attacks on Gabon and President Ali Bongo personally to increase again after a lull as memories of the stolen election in 2016 have faded.

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