Edose Ohen quit his job as an IT manager to open a doughnut shop. It set him on the path to starting his own internet company. The article below tells his story, it first appeared in Forbes Africa and is republished with its permission. Subscribe today by contacting Shanna Jacobsen <a href="mailto:Shanna.Jacobsen@abn360.com">Shanna.Jacobsen@abn360.com</a>
Edose Ohen had an unconventional childhood. By elementary school, he was given a programming book by his father and told to study it, sparking an interest in information technology (IT) and robotics. Entrepreneurship was also in his blood. By the age of 12, Ohen was selling sweets to his classmates to make extra money. By the time Ohen got to college, he started a marketing company to promote events at the school, which progressed to organising high-end events for his fraternity.
“My father has always been an entrepreneurial man and I believe the lessons he taught me earlier on in my life was my foundations for my entrepreneurial paths. He shifted me towards IT at a very young age, so I always knew I would be in IT. I also always knew I was going to be in oil and gas because I idolized my father and he was an oil and gas man,” says Ohen.
After graduating at the University of Houston with a degree in management and information systems, Ohen’s prediction came true. His first job combined his IT skills with his passion for the oil and gas industry.
READ: <a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/western-africa/2016/11/12/femi-otedola-on-the-day-he-lost-everything/">Nigerian billionaire Femi Otedola on the day he lost everything &#8230;</a>
“I graduated in 2009, which was the height of the economic recession in the States, so I sent out my resumes to hundreds of companies and I did not receive any feedback. Finally, there was a mid-to-large-sized international oil and gas company, and it just so happened that the hiring manager went to my university and we had some synergies. So I started working as a system administrator and four years later I worked my way up to an IT manager.”
Ohen began to feel like he had reached a glass ceiling. It was time to do something different.
“In 2013, I started my MBA, concentrating on supply chain and operation management. When I was doing my MBA I was watching a show on CNBC called ‘How I Made My Millions’ and it was one of my favourite shows. There was a segment about these guys who opened a gourmet doughnut shop. I was like why would you open a gourmet doughnut shop?”
“I watched them and I was like these guys had a plan. So I said let me go to the top 10 doughnut shops out there and every single one of them had a line outside the door. I looked around and I couldn’t find anybody that did it in my area, so I said why not?” says Ohen.
Ohen got some close family and friends together and raised $300,000 to start his new dream, Glazed The Doughnut Cafe.
“It took about two years to get it off the ground. We had about 2,000 people come to the grand opening and the first six months was a total disaster. We could not keep up with demand and we could not create enough products.”
“I had this perfect staffing plan and perfect projection and it was absolutely terrible. It stabilised after year one and we just recently opened our second location which is also growing,” says Ohen.
The biggest challenge for Ohen was managing his own expectations.
“I was so adamant about my business plan. I had all this predictive analysis saying we anticipate we are going to need flour because we plan on selling so many doughnuts a day and trying to force that to happen. But the thing is, you don’t know, you can’t tell. Somebody can wake up and say I want a doughnut today or not, so just trying to understand that there is a complete difference between what you think can happen and what actually happens was difficult.”
With his doughnut business set up, Ohen was ready for his next move.
“One thing I learned from my father was that he always preached diversification. Mitigation from the effects of the economic cycle was how he survived for so many years and thrived in business,” says Ohen.
That sparked the move into IT infrastructure and services. Ohen set up Alfa Dando, which is the parent company to his internet business. The first brand under that portfolio is Wireless NG.
“We have a company called Wireless NG that we are looking to roll out in Abuja and Benin City. It is focused on information technology solutions, network engineering, procurement, design, wireless communication, and radios,” he says.
For the past three years, Wireless NG has provided communication platforms for the Nigerian Gas Pipeline and Transportation Company and Ohen hopes to create a nationwide network soon.
Ohen is building a diversified empire and, unlike his doughnuts, there doesn’t seem to be any holes in his plan.

How this Nigerian-American is shaking up the doughnut industry

<figure><figcaption>Kenya topped the Africa medals table at the Rio Olympics last year. But this outstanding performance was overshadowed by the incompetence and corruption of its team management. The problems are so deep-rooted that the International Olympic Committee recently threatened to suspend the country after national affiliate officials voted against reform. Wycliffe W. Njororai Simiyu, explains the background <img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/74996/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /></figcaption></figure>
What ails the Kenya national Olympic committee?
The National Olympic Committee of Kenya’s inherent problems are <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/How-Kenya-lost-the-London-Olympics-plot/1056-1477232-a42pl9/index.html">not new</a>. What’s new is the alarming decline, which burst into view during the Rio Olympics last year. Numerous <a href="http://olympics.nbcsports.com/2017/03/09/ioc-suspend-kenya-olympics/">instances</a> of gross mismanagement came to the surface during the games involving accreditation, accommodation, travel and allowances. Corruption was also evident in the disappearance of official team kit and theft of cash.
What we are seeing today is a long-drawn fallout from Rio which set in with the arrest of several senior Olympic team officials soon after the games. These officials now <a href="http://www.capitalfm.co.ke/sports/2017/01/03/nock-officials-drop-stain-kenyas-brilliant-2016-athletics/">face charges</a> of using their positions to procure fraudulently Team Kenya kit provided under contract and stealing cash and uniforms meant for athletes.
Not even Kenyan athletes’<a href="http://www.iol.co.za/olympics-rio-2016/kenya-tops-african-medal-table-2059816">sterling</a> performances on the track were enough to mask the hurdles they had to overcome. The athletes had to endure haphazard travel arrangements, inadequate training gear and questionable allocation of places in the Olympic Village.
On top of this, a Kenyan official was <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/sports/athletics/Michael-Rotich-recalled-from-Rio-after-doping-bribe-report/1100-3334866-format-xhtml-3obonq/index.html">ejected</a> from the games on doping-related bribery allegations. And a senior athletics coach, who arrived in Rio <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/The-scandal-of-Kenya-s-Rio-Olympics/1056-3343980-kvao27z/">unaccredited</a>, was expelled from the games for using an athlete’s pass.
What is at the root of the current crisis?
The crisis in Kenya’s Olympic committee’s stems from the questionable integrity of its long-serving office holders. The officials seem to have perfected the art of misusing the resources to the detriment of sport and the athletes.
Unfortunately, change will not come easily. The current constitution gives incumbent officials disproportionate power in any general assembly vote &#8211; which they often deploy as a <a href="http://olympics.nbcsports.com/2017/03/09/ioc-suspend-kenya-olympics/">bloc</a> to retain their positions.
But it’s clear that IOC wants to see change in the governance structure of the Kenyan committee. It would like to see a new constitution adopted that would bar incumbent officials from casting their vote at the general assemblies. This would change the current arrangement where the incumbents are virtually guaranteed retaining their seats during elections.
There have been reports that Kenya could be suspended from the Olympic movement. What’s the background.
The national outrage that greeted the Rio 2016 scandal led the sports minister to dissolve the national Olympic committee. He also set up a team to investigate the Rio affair. The IOC, which frowns on any official interference, threatened to suspend Kenya.
This dissolution was popular at the time. A cabinet secretary <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/I-am-also-a-victim-of-Rio-Olympics-cartel-says-minister/1056-3352298-95os78/">accused</a> Olympic officials of “living large in Brazil” and being “a law unto themselves”. But a judge quickly <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/nock-still-intact-after-Rio-Games-scam/1056-3802404-em7ehlz/">overturned</a> the government’s action after the national Olympic committee head Kipchoge Keino took the matter to court.
As a compromise, a <a href="http://www.aipsmedia.com/2016/09/03/19454/ioc-kenya-government-kipchoge">tripartite</a> group was convened, bringing together the national committee, the sports minister and the IOC. Its aim was to improve governance through a new constitution that would allow for change in the membership of the national committee. As things stand, the incumbent officials outnumber the rest of the delegates.
But because the old constitution was used to convene the special general meeting called to ratify the new regulations, current officials used their superior numbers to <a href="https://citizentv.co.ke/sports/kenya-risks-ioc-ban-after-nock-bosses-shoot-down-constitution-159921/">defeat</a> it.
One of the key consequences of not passing the new constitution has been the swift withholding of <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-kenya-olympics-idUSKBN16P0C4">funds</a> by the IOC. More sanctions could follow if a new constitution is not put in place.
What would the impact of such a suspension be on Kenyan sport?
A suspension would put Kenya in the company of oil-rich <a href="https://www.olympic.org/news/suspension-of-the-kuwait-olympic-committee">Kuwait</a>, which was sidelined for passing a law that ran counter to the <a href="https://www.olympic.org/ioc-governance-national-olympic-committees">mission</a> of the Olympic movement.
A suspended nation loses money to develop sports programmes and infrastructure. It also loses representation in IOC sanctioned events at the international level. But athletes can participate in events as individuals under the Olympic banner, similar to political refugees.
Is the IOC’s interest in Kenya warranted? Are there other countries on its radar?
I think the push for improved governance in sport is a worldwide phenomenon and not just a Kenyan issue. At the global level, there was worldwide attention when FIFA officials were in the <a href="http://nypost.com/2015/05/27/top-fifa-officials-arrested-in-corruption-case/">spotlight</a> in 2015. The then powerful FIFA president Sepp Blatter was forced out of office following allegations of bribery, corruption and general mismanagement.
These high profile scandals elicited international outrage and unprecedented action. US law enforcement led the way in <a href="http://miami.cbslocal.com/2015/12/03/two-top-fifa-officialls-arrested-in-pre-dawn-raid-in-zurich/">arresting</a> FIFA officials that were suspected of engaging in questionable deals.
The Rio fiasco presented the IOC with a good opportunity to intervene and demand action for long-term reform. This was better than responding with a suspension for political interference. The IOC’s collaboration with the government and the national committee to create a more responsive, transparent and responsible organisation is commendable.
And if the stalemate continues, the IOC may suspend Kenya due to a lack of goodwill and desire for change in governance by its own affiliate.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/wycliffe-w-njororai-simiyu-293508">Wycliffe W. Njororai Simiyu</a>, Professor, Health and Kinesiology, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-texas-at-tyler-2703">University of Texas at Tyler</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="http://theconversation.com/kenya-runs-the-risk-of-an-olympic-ban-thanks-to-boardroom-power-games-74996">original article</a>.

Kenya runs the risk of an Olympic ban, thanks to boardroom power games

Elections present a milestone beyond which countries either strengthen their democratic credentials or become failed states. Often states fail when there are either perceived or blatant election malpractices. This in turn can lead to prolonged civil unrest. <img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/74319/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
Numerous cases exist across the continent. But I will use the <a href="http://ndpmetrics.com/papers/Kenya_Conflict_2007.pdf">Kenyan case</a> to illustrate how election processes can be compromised, and then brought back from the brink with the use of technology.
Following the election in 2007 Kenya erupted into two months of unprecedented conflict. People were unhappy with the outcome which saw Mwai Kibaki of the incumbent Party of National Unity being <a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7164890.stm">declared the winner</a> ahead of Raila Odinga and his Orange Democratic Movement. Many <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/31/world/africa/31kenya.html">disputed</a> the final tally. 
To preempt a similar situation in future elections, a commission led by former South African judge Justice Johann Kriegler was set up. The <a href="http://www.kas.de/kenia/en/publications/16094/">Kriegler Commission</a> made several critical findings. These included instances of double voter registration, widespread impersonation and ballot stuffing. It concluded that, as a result, it was impossible to know who actually won the election.
The report also made a number of recommendations. The main ones were that technology should be used in future elections to avoid manipulation of the process.
The Kenyan government acted on the recommendations and elections electronic systems had been put in place by the time of the 2013 poll. But it wasn’t all plain sailing. There were system failures which led to another contested outcome. This was finally <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-21979298">settled</a> by the Supreme Court.
As Kenya gears up for the next poll in August, questions are being asked about how well prepared the country is this time round. The issue has become a particularly hot topic in the wake of the government’s decision to allow for a <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000227918/what-proposed-changes-to-election-laws-mean">backup manual system</a> to kick in if the technology fails again.
This has raised concerns that the government will pre-emptively switch to the manual system raising the possibility that the vote will be rigged.
<h2>Types of voter fraud</h2>
The Kriegler report found a range of election malpractices. These included:
<ul>
<li>Double voter registration. This occurs when prospective voters register twice in different locations. These voters then manipulate the system by voting twice for the same candidate.</li>
<li>Impersonation. This happens when voters whose names are on the register don’t show up to vote but are listed as having voted.</li>
<li>Ballot stuffing. This is one of the most blatant election malpractices and involves the placing of pre-marked ballot papers into ballot boxes before voting commences.</li>
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A combination of all three led to <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2013/03/16/uhuru-got-more-votes-in-railas-strongholds_c750665">high voter turnout</a> in the strongholds of the two main candidates, leading to a skewed election result.
The <a href="http://www.kas.de/kenia/en/publications/16094/">report</a> concluded that Kenya’s manual election system facilitated the malpractices.
<h2>The place of technology</h2>
The Kriegler report recommended a number of technological fixes to address some of the vulnerabilities inherent in the manual process. These included biometric voter registration, electronic voter identification and a results transmission system.
By 2016, the 2011 Elections Act had been revised to <a href="http://kenyalaw.org/kl/fileadmin/pdfdownloads/Acts/ElectionsAct_No24of_2011_New.pdf">anchor</a> the electronic systems in law.
Kenya now has some of the most advanced election technology in place. This includes a biometric voter registration process which involves capturing biological features such as the fingerprints of prospective voters. This means that at the end of voter registration the election body can electronically audit the records, picking out and deleting duplicates.
http://cnbc.africa/news/east-africa/2017/01/10/kenyan-president-signs-election-amendments-law-despite-opposition-rigging-fears/
Biometric features captured during voter registration are also used on election day to ensure that those voting are indeed those who registered.
This process is known as electronic voter identification and requires that a voter presents their biometrics for validation prior to voting. Voter identification eliminates the ‘ghost-voter’ problem as the electronic voter identification equipment keeps a tally of the registered voters who actually turn up to vote.
It also eliminates the threat of vote manipulation by requiring voters to impress their fingerprints on specialised equipment which highlights inconsistencies between the electronic and manual tallies.
The final piece of technology recommended by Kriegler &#8211; the results transmission system &#8211; ensures that voting numbers from polling stations are not changed before they reach the tallying centres.
To avoid changes in the figures approved at the polling station, the presiding officer at each station is expected to transmit the numbers electronically through a secure mobile phone.
As such, the numbers are counted electronically in real-time as they stream into the tallying centres.
The results transmission system has the added advantage of preventing fraudsters from delaying the announcement of results so as to fiddle with the numbers to meet the magical 50%+1 threshold.
<h2>The way forward</h2>
The introduction of these technologies means that Kenya is now in a position to minimise election fraud and to guarantee a credible electoral process.
But concerns remain, particularly around the contentious amendment to allow for a <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/What-changes-in-controversial-election-law-passed-by-House-mean/1056-3518708-b7a2mo/">‘complimentary’</a> voting system to be put in place in the event of technology failure.
Will Kenya’s 2017 election process revert to pre-2007 status? Only time will tell whether Kenya has indeed become a mature democratic state or whether it will join the league of failed states.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/john-walubengo-345055">John Walubengo</a>, Lecturer, Faculty of Computing &amp; IT, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/multimedia-university-of-kenya-3007">Multimedia University of Kenya</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="http://theconversation.com/the-case-of-kenya-will-technology-deliver-a-free-and-fair-election-74319">original article</a>.

With Kenya’s election looming will technology deliver a free and fair election?

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Now in its fifth year, the World Economic Forum’s <a href="http://wef.ch/eapi17">Global Energy Architecture Performance Index</a> (EAPI) ranks the performance of countries’ energy systems, as well as looking at trends in the global energy transition.
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This year’s report includes the findings from 127 countries on 18 indicators covering three key areas:
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1. Economic growth and development – the extent to which a country’s energy architecture, or how its energy is sourced, supplied and managed, adds or detracts from economic growth.
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2. Environmental sustainability – the environmental impact of energy supply and consumption.
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3. Energy access and security – the extent to which an energy supply is secure, accessible and diversified.
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The index benchmarks the performance of national energy systems, in order to enable comparisons across countries and by highlighting strengths and areas for improvement, the index can inform energy policy-making.
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<h2 class="st__content-block st__content-block--heading">This year’s top performers</h2>
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1. Switzerland tops the rankings for the third consecutive year. It scores highly thanks to its diverse mix of energy supply, its low-energy intensity (a measurement that shows how well an economy is using its fuel sources) and its low emissions. However, its score in diversity in energy imports has gone down this year.
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2. Norway ranks first on energy access and security and also scores well on other dimensions of reflecting how it has successfully translated a large supply of natural resources into benefits across its entire energy system over time.
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3. Sweden was once heavily reliant on oil, but a sustained programme of investment has seen it gain one of the highest shares of renewables in Europe. It has already reached 50% of consumption from renewable energy. It beats both Switzerland and Norway on environmental sustainability.
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4. Denmark scores eighth on economic growth and development, and has achieved low levels of energy intensity as well as competitive energy prices.
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5. France, the only G20 country in the top 10 of the index, is speeding up its energy transition following the implementation of the Paris Agreement. This includes diversifying its nuclear-dominated electricity mix, reducing its emissions and strengthening its security of supply.
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6. Austria rose from eighth place in 2015 to sixth in 2016 where it remains this year. It is committed to a target of 34% share of renewable energy by 2020. <a href="http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Renewable_energy_statistics#See_also">One third</a> of Austria’s final energy consumption was derived from renewables in 2014.
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7. Spain’s strong performance is due to factors such as the high diversity of its fuel mix and import counterparts, as well as the low energy intensity of its economy. The country has recently implemented broad and deep <a href="https://www.iea.org/countries/membercountries/spain/">electricity market reform</a> which fundamentally changed the remuneration scheme for renewable energy.
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8. Colombia is the first non-European country to appear in the top 10. It has a large supply of natural resources, and is therefore at an advantage in being able to boost its economy and provide its population with secure, low-cost energy. Colombia is also a net exporter of energy, reflecting the surplus of its natural resource endowment.
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9. New Zealand holds on to ninth place in this year&#8217;s report (it was ranked 4th back in 2015). It is only the second non-European country to appear on the leaderboard, and scores particularly highly on energy access and security.
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10. Uruguay has made great strides in its energy sector performance since 2009, having formulated a long-term direction for its energy sector and committed significant investment to this transition.
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Top performers share a number of characteristics. They tend to be smaller countries – for example, Switzerland (1st), Uruguay (10th) – which makes it comparatively easier to enact changes in their energy systems than in those of larger countries.
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Most of the highest performers are also advanced economies, defined principally as having a high level of gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, diversified exports and being well integrated into the global financial system.
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The Global Energy Architecture Performance Index 2017 <a href="http://wef.ch/eapi17">is available here</a>. Explore the results of the report using the heatmap below.
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This article was first published on Wednesday 22 March 2017 at: <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/03/these-are-the-worlds-top-10-energy-performers">https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/03/these-are-the-worlds-top-10-energy-performers</a>  and is republished with WEF’s permission
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These 10 countries are best at providing affordable and sustainable energy, pity none are in Africa

Just a few weeks after the <a href="http://unfccc.int/paris_agreement/items/9485.php">Paris Climate Change Agreement</a> officially came into force, the latest analysis concluded that even if it is fully implemented, we are heading for a 2.9°C- 3.4°C increase in warming.
This won’t come as a surprise to anyone remotely familiar with the topic of climate change. It also won’t come as a surprise to hear that Africa will bear the brunt of the negative consequences tied to these changes.
With a 2°C increase, agriculture yields of key food staples will decline by up to 40%, <a href="http://apps.unep.org/publications/pmtdocuments/-Africa%E2%80%99s_Adaptation_Gap_2__.pdf">resulting in</a> a 25%-90% increase in incidences of undernourishment and putting 50% of Africa’s population at risk of undernourishment.
<iframe loading="lazy" src="//players.brightcove.net/1571595826001/default_default/index.html?videoId=5352022901001" width="300" height="150" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>
Rising sea levels will also badly affect our beautiful coastal cities, putting <a href="http://apps.unep.org/publications/pmtdocuments/-Africa%E2%80%99s_Adaptation_Gap_2__.pdf">millions at risk of flooding</a>, and threatening to reverse economic and development gains with the ensuing damage to infrastructure, loss of touristic sites and disruption in food supply.
It won’t come as a surprise because we talk about it all the time. What we’re not doing is acting. The time now is to match our words with actions. But how do we do that?
<h2>Moving from words to action</h2>
Practical approaches do exist, and one sector in particular offers much hope: the clean energy industry, which is closely related to the issue of climate-proof agriculture. If we make progress in this area, we can not only tackle climate-related challenges, but socio-economic ones as well, such as food security, job creation and macro-economic growth.
One way to move from talk to action in this area is through something called ecosystem-based adaptation in mainstream farming techniques. This has already been done, for example, in Niger, where the technique has been used to <a href="http://www.agro.uba.ar/users/semmarti/Poblacion/Godfray-2010ScienceFoodSecurityFeeding9billion.pdf">rehabilitate up to 300,000 hectares of barren land</a>. In other places, it has been shown to lead to a <a href="https://www.opendemocracy.net/ian-fitzpatrick/to-address-global-food-crisis-we-have-to-address-power-of-big-agribusiness">128% yield increase</a>, which would not only boost food security but would also enhance farmer income, thus helping to combat poverty.
<h2>All hands on deck</h2>
It’s often said that the only way we’ll achieve change is if everyone – government, business, civil society – is involved. But again, how do we move from words to action in this area?
The concept of ecosystem-based adaptation provides another look at how this could happen in practice. Through <a href="http://www.ebafosa.org/">EBAFOSA</a>, global, regional and national stakeholders are being brought together to create mutual partnerships for climate change action.
http://cnbc.africa/news/special-report/2016/11/18/protecting-and-developing-african-agriculture-in-the-face-of-climate-change/
In Malawi, for example, EBAFOSA is building mutual partnerships between EBA-agriculture actors and the Malawi Bureau of Standards to establish quality standards for EBA products and enhance their marketability in local and export markets. By doing so, it encourages local actors to put in place these climate-friendly techniques. This is then reinforced at the national level, through a National Export Strategy that is prioritizing the export of high-value, climate-resilient food crops – such as <a href="http://www.farmafrica.org/tanzania/sesame-marketing">sesame</a>, a drought-tolerant crop that requires less water than more traditional crops such as maize.
http://cnbc.africa/insights/energy-environment/2017/03/16/how-to-save-africas-forest/
These lessons from Malawi will be replicated across the 40 EBAFOSA member countries in Africa, therefore ensuring the transformation of adaptation commitment into actions across the continent.
<h2>Time for Africa to repair its roof</h2>
“The time to repair the roof is when the sun is shining,” John F. Kennedy once said. This is certainly true when it comes to climate change in Africa. It is now time to convert opportunity into reality.
The irrefutable dire scientific warnings show very clearly how serious this challenge is. We have spent enough time talking about it, but now we must set about tackling it. We need to do so for the mother who cannot feed her new-born child with the proper food to live beyond the age of five. We must do so for the 240 million Africans who go to bed with a stomach aching from hunger. We must do so for the 620 million citizens who don’t have reliable access to energy. Doing so is the only way we can ensure the African continent never again experiences the fear of want or need.
The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the institution with which he is affiliated
This article was first published on Tuesday 29 November 2016 at: <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/11/stop-talking-about-climate-action-in-africa-and-start-doing-something">https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/11/stop-talking-about-climate-action-in-africa-and-start-doing-something</a>  and is republished with WEF’s permission

Stop talking about climate action in Africa and start doing something

Entry of the mobile technology ride-sharing service, <a href="https://www.lifewire.com/how-does-uber-work-3862752">Uber</a>, into passenger transport markets across the world has brought <a href="http://www.competition.org.za/review/2015/11/22/uber-a-game-changer-in-passenger-transport-in-south-africa">disruptive</a> competition with substantial benefits to consumers. Africa is no exception. <img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/74262/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" /> 
Uber is currently the <a href="http://www.htxt.co.za/2016/08/25/uber-most-used-taxi-app/">dominant</a> ride-sharing app used in Africa. It has rapidly grown its <a href="http://venturesafrica.com/uber-signs-its-first-sou-in-africa-with-ghana/">African</a> footprint and now has operations in eight countries; Egypt, Ghana, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, South Africa, Uganda and Tanzania.
Disruptive competition through technology can bring substantial benefits to consumers, but it also raises competition and <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-uber-opens-cities-only-to-close-them-59067">socio-economic issues</a>. These result mainly from the displacement of traditional service providers. These issues cannot be ignored in a developing country. Regulation needs to at least ensure that conditions for competition are consistent and not only free but fair across competing services where possible.
There are also concerns that Uber, with its first mover advantage within the ride-sharing market, is growing into a monopoly despite the <a href="http://www.competition.org.za/review/2015/11/22/uber-a-game-changer-in-passenger-transport-in-south-africa">benefits</a> to consumers.
These concerns have been raised by incumbent taxi operators in Kenya and South Africa. As is the case across the globe traditional metered taxis are <a href="http://www.competition.org.za/review/2015/11/22/uber-a-game-changer-in-passenger-transport-in-south-africa">seeing red</a>. In South Africa, traditional metered taxi operators have protested and also tried, so far unsuccessfully, to get the competition authority to <a href="http://www.ujuh.co.za/uber-escapes-competition-robe-in-south-africa-as-metred-taxis-despair/">prosecute</a> Uber for what they see as anti-competitive behaviour. In Kenya, there have <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/Six-man-gang-behind-Uber-taxi-attacks-arrested/1056-3134898-r3m5cfz/index.html">been attacks</a> on Uber drivers by business rivals.
But there are also signs of a rising challenge to Uber by new rivals. The Kenyan and South African experiences are worth noting. The different trajectories developing in these two markets make for an interesting comparison.
<h2>Uber firmly in the driving seat in South Africa</h2>
In South Africa new entrants into the ride-sharing app market have made little progress in attracting substantial demand. These include:
<ul>
<li><a href="https://taxify.eu/en-za/cities-2/johannesburg/">Taxify</a> which entered the market in 2015. It struggled and had to <a href="https://mybroadband.co.za/news/motoring/162994-taxify-relaunched-in-south-africa-to-take-on-uber-and-metered-taxis.html">re-launch </a>its brand with a new business model in 2016 to access a wider market, in which it now holds around a 10% share. Its strategy is based on 15% lower prices and higher proportional pay out to drivers.</li>
<li><a href="https://www.moneyweb.co.za/news/companies-and-deals/transaction-capital-plans-dominate-sas-metred-taxi-industry/">Zebra Cabs</a>, an incumbent metered taxi company, adopted the electronic taxi hailing technology to launch the Zebra Cabs app in 2016, a direct rival to Uber.</li>
<li><a href="http://www.702.co.za/articles/237998/uber-has-new-south-african-rival">Jozibear</a> entered the market late in 2016 and currently operates in Johannesburg, Cape Town and Durban.</li>
</ul>
But Uber has built a strong brand among local customers since entry in 2013, in a market with important first mover advantages.
Even though competitors may offer better quality or cheaper services, customers will be attracted to Uber’s because it has established a stronger brand and larger driver network. To compete, entrants have to develop rival platforms which are frictionless and able to attract both drivers and passengers.
<a href="https://mybroadband.co.za/news/motoring/162994-taxify-relaunched-in-south-africa-to-take-on-uber-and-metered-taxis.html">Changes in regulation</a> to encompass ride-sharing have formalised aspects of the industry in South Africa. These include licensing and permit conditions. But these changes have not necessarily led to a stronger competitive position for rivals, including metered taxis.
<h2>Why Little Cab in Kenya may be different</h2>
The picture is very different in Kenya. There Safaricom, the largest telecommunications operator, <a href="http://pulse.ng/tech/little-cab-safaricom-launches-its-weapon-of-choice-on-the-on-demand-taxi-market-in-kenya-id5232889.html">launched</a> an app-based ride-sharing service called <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-kenya-safaricom-idUSKCN0ZL1I8">Little Cab</a> in July 2016 in partnership with Craft Silicon, a local software firm.
Little Cab introduced free Wi-Fi to passengers in addition to the option to process payments using <a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/east-africa/2017/01/04/mpesa-economic-impact-on-kenya/">M-Pesa</a>, the mobile-phone based financial service. M-Pesa is the most widely used mobile money service developed by Safaricom with <a href="http://www.ca.go.ke/index.php/statistics">66% market share</a> in Kenya.
Little Cab promises to be an effective competitor to Uber in Kenya’s ride sharing economy particularly due to its link to the mobile money platform.
It’s still not clear whether Uber can integrate the M-Pesa payment solution to its service in Kenya. A failure to address this challenge may limit the company’s ability to retain its position in the market. This is partly because most Kenyan’s don’t have credit cards, a fact that led Uber to introduce <a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/201604150744.html">cash payments</a> three months after entering the Kenyan market in January 2015. This adjustment has been pivotal to its growth in the country.
Little Cab appears to be performing well given its plans to <a href="https://qz.com/846609/safaricoms-little-cab-a-rival-uber-in-kenya-is-launching-in-nigeria-and-uganda/">expand</a> into Uganda and Nigeria in 2017, its first operations outside Kenya. These are not entirely new markets for Safaricom given that its largest regional operations are based in Nigeria under Craft Silicon.
Similarly, Safaricom has operations in <a href="https://qz.com/846609/safaricoms-little-cab-a-rival-uber-in-kenya-is-launching-in-nigeria-and-uganda/">Uganda</a>, and plans to use its existing knowledge of these markets to gain entry and compete with other ride-sharing services.
<h2>Too early to call?</h2>
There’s a fascinating competitive clash emerging in Kenya which may play itself out throughout the east African region. M-Pesa’s attractiveness to both markets (ride-sharing and mobile money users) gives Safaricom and Little Cabs a competitive advantage.
Safaricom is able to leverage its large mobile money subscriber base and technology to compete with Uber in a market where mobile money payments are ubiquitous. On the other hand, the rival has first mover advantages in terms of branding and convenience in the ride-sharing sharing economy.
Have you read:
<h3 class="r _U6c"><a class="l _HId" href="http://cnbc.africa/news/2017/03/17/uber-kenya-hikes-fare-20-percent-strikes/">Uber Kenya hikes fare by 20 percent after strikes</a></h3>
<h3 class="r _U6c"><a class="l _HId" href="http://cnbc.africa/news/2017/03/10/south-africas-taxis-block-roads-main-airport-uber-protest/">South Africa&#8217;s taxis block roads to main airport in Uber protest</a></h3>
<h3 class="r _U6c"><a class="l _HId" href="http://cnbc.africa/news/2017/01/06/an-uber-drive-with-the-ambition-to-top-the-music-charts/">An Uber driver with the ambition to top the music charts</a></h3>
However, Safaricom appears to have overcome the seemingly insurmountable first mover position enjoyed by Uber, and brand-related entry barriers by simply leveraging its own strengths in Kenya.
Who will win the market in the region is now anyone’s guess.
Uber’s position in South Africa looks more assured. But it does face challenges. Ongoing protests, the <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/national/2017-03-10-metered-taxi-drivers-bring-airport-traffic-to-a-halt-in-uber-protest/">most recent</a> of which led to gridlock near the country’s largest international airport, could lead to continued scrutiny of its operations.
And the company has had to adjust its model to suit local conditions. Uber grew rapidly when it first launched using its standard transacting mechanisms due in part to the fact that 
in 2015 <a href="http://data.worldbank.org/products/data-books/little-data-book-on-financial-inclusion">54.9%</a> of South Africans had credit cards. But it has had to reconsider its banking card only payment mechanism and now allows cash payments.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/thando-vilakazi-229911">Thando Vilakazi</a>, Senior Researcher, Centre for Competition, Regulation and Economic Development, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/shingie-chisoro-dube-345019">Shingie Chisoro Dube</a>, Economist Researcher/PhD Candidate, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="http://theconversation.com/two-very-different-responses-to-uber-kenya-and-south-africa-74262">original article</a>.

As anger grows against Uber in Africa this is how S.A and Kenya are responding to it

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South Africa’s Constitutional Court is once again being asked to deal with a highly politically charged matter that affects the government of the country. The last time was over the question of President Jacob Zuma’s failure to repay state money spent on his personal homestead at <a href="https://theconversation.com/important-lessons-for-africa-as-strong-institutions-win-out-over-a-strong-man-57182">Nkandla</a>. This time the government’s Minister for Social Development, Bathabile Dlamini, is at the centre of a storm over the payment of 17 million social grants. The contract to do this was given to an independent contractor whose contract expires on March 31. The court ruled in 2013 that the contract was illegal because of tender irregularities and ordered the minister to make alternative arrangements. She failed to do so and instead has sought to renew the contract. Politics and Society Editor Thabo Leshilo asked Constitutional court expert Pierre de Vos to explain. <img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/74630/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
Why is this case before the constitutional court?
The case is before the Constitutional Court because civil society organisations – the <a href="https://www.blacksash.org.za/index.php/sash-in-action/oversight-of-grant-payment-system">Black Sash</a> and <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2017-03-07-freedom-under-law-asks-concourt-to-make-new-sassacps-contract-details-public/#.WMj1PVWGPIU">Freedom under Law</a> among them – approached the court to ask it to intervene in the matter to ensure, first, that grants will be paid after April 1st.
Second, they want to make sure that Cash Paymaster Services <a href="http://www.net1.com/business-structure/transactional-solutions-cluster/cash-paymaster-services-(cps)/">(CPS)</a>, the private company contracted to pay out social grants on behalf of the government’s <a href="http://www.dsd.gov.za/">Department of Social Development</a>, will not abuse its position to exploit grant recipients. Specifically, they want the company not to use the information it has about social grants recipients to push all kinds of financial products on them. These products include funeral policies and micro loans.
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Third, the civil society organisations want to get the <a href="http://www.constitutionalcourt.org.za/site/thecourt/role.htm">Constitutional Court</a> to oversee the grants payment process to ensure that the South African Social Security Agency <a href="http://www.sassa.gov.za/">(Sassa)</a> and CPS don’t enter into a new contract with terms that will allow CPS to make exorbitant profits. Sassa administers the application, approval and payment of social grants in the country.
<iframe loading="lazy" src="//players.brightcove.net/1571595826001/default_default/index.html?videoId=5354589458001" width="300" height="150" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> 
As the original contract was declared invalid by the Constitutional Court <a href="https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/opinionista/2017-03-07-new-sassas-cps-contract-might-be-illegal-heres-what-the-concourt-can-do-to-fix-the-mess/#.WMkVS1WGPIU">in 2013</a>, because of an <a href="http://www.heraldlive.co.za/news/2017/03/14/gordhan-says-cps-contract-illegal/">unlawful tender process</a>, and because entering into a new contract with CPS would almost certainly be unlawful because the requisite tender procedures were not followed, it’s important for the Court to validate the new contract to legalise the process. If it fails to do that the grants might still be paid on 1 April, but not in a legally valid manner.
What big legal issues are at stake?
The first issue is: what powers does the Constitutional Court have to fix a situation where the only way to deliver social grants – which the state is obliged to do because of a constitutional obligation – would be through a process that, without court validation, would be unlawful and invalid.
The second legal question is: what are the legal obligations of a private company (CPS) to deliver state grants. The court has already ruled that CPS is an organ of state for the purposes of paying social grants, which means it cannot walk away from the contract like a private party because it is fulfilling much the same function as a government department. This is because it’s delivering social grants to give effect to a <a href="http://www.saflii.org/za/cases/ZACC/2014/12.html">constitutional right</a>. This means that the court may order it to continue delivering grants if it remains the only body capable of doing it – even if CPS doesn’t want to continue and doesn’t make a profit.
What powers does the Constitutional Court have if it’s ignored?
The Constitutional Court depends on other branches of government to implement its orders.
But it can do the following:
<ul>
<li>It can issue cost orders against a litigant. In this case, for example, it could order the Minister for Social Development Minister Bathabile Dlamini to pay the cost of the court case from her personal funds. This would be quite extreme but the court could make the case that she had ignored its instructions.</li>
<li>In the most extreme case it could find a person in contempt of court and can then have them jailed for being in contempt.</li>
</ul>
But ultimately the power of the court lies in the hands of citizens who can decide to punish those in power who ignore court orders and flout the law by voting for another party and electing a new government.
What’s the significance of the stand-off?
The stand-off affects the lives of millions of people. More than 17 million grants are disbursed to <a href="https://africacheck.org/factsheets/separating-myth-from-reality-a-guide-to-social-grants-in-south-africa/">adults and children in the country</a>. It is therefore imperative that the crisis is resolved in a way that does not threaten their livelihoods.
But it is also significant because it is testing the power of the court when confronted with political delinquency. Courts are reluctant to challenge the political branches of the state head on. But, in certain circumstances, like the present, the Constitutional Court stands to lose more by trying to avoid a confrontation. Instead, it stands to gain more credibility and legitimacy if it manages to confront the impunity of Sassa and the Minister of Social Development, and if it ultimately manages to ensure that grants are paid in a legally valid way.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/pierre-de-vos-122976">Pierre de Vos</a>, Claude Leon Foundation Chair in Constitutional Governance, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-cape-town-691">University of Cape Town</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/social-grants-crisis-tests-the-powers-of-south-africas-constitutional-court-74630">original article</a>.

S.A’s social grants crisis is testing the powers of the Constitutional Court

Tropical forests are essential for sustainable growth in Africa. They also have economic, environmental, and social implications that extend far beyond the continent.
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Although they cover less than 7% of the earth’s land surface, tropical forests are home to approximately 50% of all living things on earth. Yet these forests are being cleared at a rate of 18 million hectares a year.
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While the economic value of forests is difficult to quantify precisely, an estimate by The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity project, which was kick-started by the UK Government, forecast that the loss of biodiversity from deforestation would cost the global economy up to <a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/environment/climate-change/5000000000000-the-cost-each-year-of-vanishing-rainforest-2096367.html">$4.5 trillion a year</a>.
One industry that could be impacted heavily is the pharmaceuticals industry. Tropical rainforests have provided key ingredients for an estimated 25% of pharmaceuticals and prescription drugs derived from rainforest plants are used to treat cancer, heart disease, bronchitis, arthritis, diabetes and other conditions. Yet only around 1% of plants have been tested for medicinal properties and deforestation means species are lost before they can even be explored.
Tropical forests also matter in the fight against climate change. As the ‘lungs of the earth’ forests breathe in carbon dioxide and produce oxygen in exchange. When a forest is cleared, the trees release this stored carbon dioxide into the atmosphere. Globally, deforestation represents around 15% of greenhouse gas emissions. We cannot solve climate change without also addressing deforestation.
Deforestation also affects rainfall. At a local level, it <a href="http://phys.org/news/2011-09-deforestation-rainfall-africa.html">changes rainfall</a> and water run-off patterns making the remaining forests drier. It could also have global impacts with <a href="https://www.carbonbrief.org/deforestation-in-the-tropics-affects-climate-around-the-world-study-finds">scientific models</a> showing that the complete destruction of tropical forests in central Africa would reduce rainfall in southern Europe and the upper and lower US Midwest.
The impact of deforestation on ecosystems and animal habitat could also have other far-reaching impacts. For example, France’s environment Minister, Ségolène Royal, told a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/oct/29/deforestation-might-have-started-west-africas-ebola-outbreak">conference last year</a> that researchers believe deforestation in West Africa increased the likelihood of the Ebola epidemic in 2014. The destruction of the natural habitat of fruit-eating bats, which carried the Ebola virus, likely drove them towards human settlements to find food.
Africa is home to around 18% of the world’s tropical forests. The second largest tropical forest on the planet is located in the Congo Basin in central Africa and extends for around 3 million square kilometres – which is larger than the entire land mass of Argentina.
<h3>Have you read?</h3>
<ul>
<li>
<h3 class="news-title"><a href="http://cnbc.africa/insights/energy-environment/2017/03/15/africas-poorest-people-need-access-clean-energy-can-get/">Africa’s poorest people need access to clean energy. How can we get it to them?</a></h3>
</li>
</ul>
Despite their economic, social, and environmental importance, Africa’s tropical forests are under threat. Almost 90% of West Africa’s coastal rainforest has already been destroyed and deforestation in the Congo Basin has doubled since 1990.
Logging and agriculture continue to be two of the biggest threats to Africa’s tropical forests. The unsustainable production of palm oil is one of the biggest drivers.
Palm oil is found in about half of all packaged products sold in supermarkets. It’s already a $50 billion global industry and is projected to rise to $88 billion by 2022. And Africa is expected to be the next growth spot for palm oil production.
It is significant then that seven African Governments – Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Liberia, the Republic of Congo, and Sierra Leone – have <a href="https://www.weforum.org/press/2016/01/seven-african-governments-to-protect-over-70-of-africa-s-tropical-forests-from-unsustainable-palm-oil-development">agreed to protect</a> more than 70% of Africa’s tropical forests from unsustainable palm oil production.
Equally significant is the <a href="https://www.tfa2020.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/TFA2020_Marrakesh_Declaration-Statement-of-Support_post-embargoed.pdf">support shown</a> by large consumer-facing companies like Nestle, Colgate-Palmolive and Unilever; palm oil producers including Feronia, GVL, Socfin Group, and Wilmar; and civil society organisations such as Conservation International, the Roundtable for Sustainable Palm Oil, and the World Wide Fund for Nature, among others.
This support is crucial because governments are unlikely to be able to stop deforestation from unsustainable palm oil production on their own, as evidenced by the ongoing battle to combat illegal logging. Success will require a diverse range of stakeholders working together to deal with the intertwined issues of environmental protection, human rights (indigenous peoples who live in forested areas), agricultural production, and ensuring the livelihoods of smallholder farmers.
New technology tools will also help. For example, Global Forest Watch is using rapid advances in satellite imaging to increase transparency and improve access to forest-related data. Anyone with a computer can create custom maps, analyse forest trends, and download actionable data. In Panama, drones are being used by local communities to monitor their forests in real time all year round. Elsewhere, governments are exploring how blockchain technology could be applied to tracking land rights allocations
Together, these emerging technologies and partnership models could help save Africa’s forests.
This article was first published on Thursday 17 November 2016 at: <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/11/deforestation-africa-palm-oil">https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/11/deforestation-africa-palm-oil</a>  and is republished with WEF&#8217;s permission
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This is why we need to save Africa’s forests

South Africa has a high unemployment rate and sluggish economic growth. It’s high time to consider what our academic institutions can do to reduce unemployment and to help the poor.
I believe it is high time to consider what our academic institutions can do to reduce unemployment and to help the poor &#8211; by taking what they do best (education) and applying it to one of the most effective mechanisms for economic growth and empowerment (entrepreneurship).
In academic literature, entrepreneurship has been widely acknowledged as an important mechanism for economic growth and employment creation. Various studies have shown that entrepreneurship is one of the most effective means for alleviating poverty in developing and transitional countries, and that increasing the quality and number of entrepreneurs creates employment and supports innovation and the economic empowerment of individuals.
The time has now come for educational institutions in South Africa to play their part in developing entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurship education needs a significant upgrade in terms of its scope and scale. And entrepreneurship skills and the motivation to start a business should be brought to all students at universities, not only those registered specifically for entrepreneurship degrees. The goal is to increase startup rates by enhancing students&#8217; entrepreneurial skills and motivation.
This requires a radical mindset change for students &#8211; but also, critically, for educationalists and politicians. It is the leadership of universities who need to initiate this change.
What role can universities in South Africa play in improving the entrepreneurial mindset and motivation of students and boosting startups?
First of all, it is important to acknowledge the distinction between entrepreneurship education and business management. While business management courses are about leadership, administration, sales and marketing, entrepreneurship courses deal more with innovation, personal initiative, achievement orientation and risk taking.
There is empirical evidence that entrepreneurship courses in South Africa are not necessarily achieving the goals mentioned above. The most successful courses are those that provide a thorough practical orientation to entrepreneurship education, focusing on learning by doing &#8211; whereby students are not only learning about entrepreneurship but also how to become entrepreneurial.
My colleagues and I already demonstrated (to a statistically significant extent) more than 10 years ago, in possibly the first controlled study on the African continent, that it is possible to change the entrepreneurial mindset of (UWC) students, who at the time had to open and run a business in small groups. The control group, which didn&#8217;t participate in this hands-on approach but participated in normal business courses, didn&#8217;t change their mindset at all. Successful students in the hands-on group also wanted to continue with their businesses after the end of the course &#8211; and many did so.
In recent large-scale research initiatives in African countries like Uganda, Kenya, Liberia, Tanzania and Rwanda, where hundreds of students participated in (on average) 30 hours of practical entrepreneurial training, students improved their entrepreneurial mindset significantly in comparison to a control group that had taken a standard business related course.
The focus of the training was an action-based intervention to enhance the entrepreneurial mindset and to support the creation of a small company. The training also aimed at supporting the personal initiative of participants (being self-starting, proactive and persistent), as well as goal setting, entrepreneurial environmental knowledge generation, action planning/execution and self-efficacy. This is evidence-based best practice in entrepreneurship education in Africa.
One year after the training the results showed a massive increase in startups by the entrepreneurial training group. 18 months after the training, each student who participated had on average created 2.82 jobs &#8211; a clear indication that even a relatively short intervention can not only change the mindset of students but also boost startups and create employment.
It is also helpful to look at successful Asian countries like Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia, and examine how they have structured entrepreneurship education. In many of these universities, entrepreneurship education is not only part of their vision and mission statements, but part of the real student experience: they even have compulsory basic entrepreneurship courses for all university students. Based on my experience at the University of Ciputra in Indonesia, for example, no student can graduate if he or she has not started a business.
There are many ways universities can help to reduce unemployment &#8211; and one of the most effective ways is through entrepreneurship education.
*Prof Dr Chris Friedrich, is Extraordinary Professor at the School of Business and Finance, University of the Western Cape (UWC), and is linked to the University of Applied Sciences, Giessen, Germany. His work deals with evidence-based best practices of entrepreneurship education at universities, and how to improve entrepreneurial performance.

Op-Ed: What Africa’s universities can do to reduce unemployment

New Wealth just released ‘South Africa 2017 Wealth Report’, in it the global wealth intelligence and market research company. rated the 10 greatest business men and woman in South Africa&#8217;s history based on: 
• Impact on South Africa and the world. 
• Innovation. 
• Jobs created. 
• Ability to overcome obstacles.
Below is the list.
1. Sol Kerzner 
Sol Kerzner’s impact on South Africa has been massive. Most of the top luxury hotels and resorts in the country were built by him. Some notables include: Sun City, the Lost City, Sandton Sun, the Beverley Hills Hotel, the Elangeni and the Beacon Island Hotel.
What is interesting about these hotels is not so much their success, but rather the impact they have had on the surrounding areas.
For instance, when the Beverley Hills Hotel was built in 1964, Umhlanga was a tiny resort town that most people had never heard of. However, the hotel’s success drew large numbers of wealthy people to the area and Umhlanga eventually became the main holiday hotspot for wealthy Joburgers in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. Then in the 2000s, Umhlanga overtook Durban to become the top prime area in Kwazulu Natal for wealthy people to live and work.
The Beacon Island in Plettenberg Bay (“Plett”) is a similar story. When the hotel was built in 1972, Plett was still a small village. However, after its success the town took off and Plett now ranks as the top second home hotspot for the super-rich in South Africa.
Last, but not least, is ofcourse Sun City. The resort, which was built by Sol Kerzner in 1979, set the benchmark for casino and golf resorts worldwide. The resort includes the spectacular Lost City, which was added in the 1990s.
Since his success in South Africa, Sol Kerzner has built several successful hotels worldwide including: Atlantis Bahamas, Atlantis Dubai, the One &amp; Only Mexico, the One &amp; Only Australia, the One &amp; Only Mauritius and the One &amp; Only Bahamas.
2. Donald Gordon 
As the founder of Liberty Life, Donald Gordon will always be remembered for what surely remains his greatest achievement &#8211; the shopping centre that set the benchmark for luxury and class worldwide. The shopping centre that the greatest city in Africa is now built around. The Monolith. Sandton City.
3. Richard Maponya 
Despite the many obstacles of the Apartheid government, Richard Maponya became a beacon of hope to the people of Soweto, starting several successful business in the area (predominantly in the retail and property space). He recently helped to develop Maponya Mall, which is one of the largest shopping centers in the country.
4. Harry Oppenheimer 
Harry Oppenheimer led South Africa’s two biggest companies (De Beers and Anglo America) through their most successful years and created more jobs than any other South African businessman in history.
Harry Oppenheimer and his wife Bridget were also keen horse breeders. They bred Horse Chestnut, which is arguably the most exceptional race horse ever bred in South Africa. Horse Chestnut was known for winning races his by large margins – he won the J&amp;B Met by over 8 lengths.
5. Pam Golding 
Pam Golding formed Pam Golding Properties in 1976 and turned it into the largest estate agency in the country. Her company has since gone onto transform the luxury residential landscape in South Africa, especially in Cape Town’s Atlantic Seaboard.
6. Adrian Gore 
Adrian Gore founded Discovery Health in 1992. His company went onto change the health insurance space in SA forever with innovative products such as Vitality. Many insurance companies overseas have now begun to copy the Discovery model and Discovery themselves have taken their products abroad with good success.
7. Nthato Motlana 
Dr. Nthato Motlana is ‘the renaissance man’ of South Africa, with successful careers in politics, medicine and business. He was the founder of NAIL and a mentor to many of the top business leaders in South Africa today. He is considered by many to be the father of economic empowerment in South Africa.
8. Patrice Motsepe 
After a successful career as a lawyer at Bowman Gilfillan, Motsepe founded ARM (African Rainbow Minerals) in 1997 and turned it into one of the largest mining and mineral groups in the world. He has since diversified into a number of other key sectors.
9. Anton Rupert 
Dr. Anton Rupert founded the Rembrandt Group in the 1940s. After initially focusing on the tobacco industry (Peter Stuyvesant), his company soon moved into industrials and luxury goods. Rembrandt has since been split into Remgro (an investment company with financial, mining and industrial interests) and Richemont (a Swiss-based luxury goods group).
Rupert was also a founding member of the WWF (World Wildlife Fund) in the 1960s.
His son Johan has since turned Richemont into one of the largest luxury goods companies in the world.
10. Douw Steyn 
Douw Steyn founded Auto General Insurance in 1985 and turned it into one of the largest insurance companies in South Africa. He has since started similarly successful businesses in the UK (Compare the Market, Budget Insurance). He recently helped to develop Steyn City in Johannesburg, which is one of the most impressive residential estates in the world.

S.A’s 10 greatest business leaders

To begin, imagine you are Esther, a woman living in a deeply rural part of Kilifi county in Kenya. To get to the nearest town you need to travel for three hours on a matatu (public minibus). Your area is remote and the road is almost inaccessible. The matatu only travels to Malindi – the nearest town – three days a week. You have seven children and depend on your small farm for both sustenance and income. At night, you and your family all depend on the light of a small koroboi (kerosene lamp) to study and perform other duties. When you can’t afford kerosene for the day, your family stays in the dark. But, you are keen to start using cleaner and more efficient forms of energy and save the income you spend purchasing kerosene. As Esther, you are at the first stage of the energy ladder and keen to rise.
The Energy Ladder is an illustration of the journey an unconnected individual, family or community makes in their path to electrification. Like Esther, 70% of the population in sub-Saharan African countries lack access to electricity and must choose alternative energy sources. Previous models of the energy ladder have assumed a linear progression from wood to charcoal, kerosene, LPG and eventually electricity. Numerous investors and businesses have moved into sub-Saharan Africa’s renewable energy space aiming to solve this energy poverty while simultaneously creating a market for their products. These products have significantly altered the way the energy ladder presents itself on the ground in Africa. Our revised version of the energy ladder begins with households using traditional energy sources such as biomass and fossil fuels, they later introduce solar power in modules, beginning with the smallest lamps then continuing to home systems and eventually to micro and mini-grids. Later, electrification occurs and usage is akin to that found in developed countries.
<img decoding="async" src="https://assets.weforum.org/editor/qDd2Ihze45FbDn16WZNdfUK0nQnuLdJyoSLZe0r-5Mc.jpg" alt=" " />
Givewatts 
Traditional wisdom often represents society as an income pyramid and it is useful to look at this economic pyramid alongside the Energy Ladder. The basic idea is that the base of the pyramid is the largest segment of the population and is usually made up of those with the lowest income. Customers at the Bottom of the Pyramid (BOP) make up over 70% of the population in African countries. This population is a mirror image of the same percentage that lack access to electricity. Just like Esther, these BOP consumers are usually based in rural areas, have significant development needs and very low purchasing power. As a result, they have little choice and access to goods/services due to a rural location and their low purchasing power.
The link between the energy ladder and the economic pyramid is clear. Consumers at the BOP will purchase products at the bottom of the energy ladder. As they experience increases in income and savings from using cleaner energy products, they are able to move up both the energy and income ladder and purchase products at the next level of the energy ladder. Customers at the lowest tier of both the energy and income ladder usually do not have any clean energy products in their arsenal; they begin consumption with the most basic solar lamp.
Are any solar companies truly servicing East Africa’s BOP?
There are numerous players in East Africa’s renewable energy space who claim to be servicing customers like Esther and others at the Bottom of the Pyramid. In theory, selling to the BOP is a viable business proposition because the market is large and underserviced. Selling to this market is hard for numerous reasons. In this article, we will highlight four. First, this market is in Africa’s most remote and rural areas and distribution poses a huge challenge. Second, the BOP population have the lowest incomes and are unable to pay the high prices needed to compensate these high distribution costs. Third, the products that most companies are selling do not match the needs of the BOP; they are better suited to consumers at higher levels of the economic pyramid. Lastly, the cost needed to close the final gap between the BOP customer and the business is expensive for both the business and the customer. For these reasons – and many more that we will not be able to discuss here &#8211; players in East Africa’s energy space who claim to sell to the BOP are not actually doing so.
Most companies in the space do not target rural areas and are based in urban or peri-urban areas. In Esther’s case, the nearest clean energy shop would likely be based in Malindi, the nearest town that is too far and too expensive to frequent. Companies that build or are building their own distribution network base their shops in these small towns and not in the rural areas where the BOP customer is. These regional hubs may be closer to the BOP customer, but still do not close the last mile.
The low income of a BOP customer and the mismatch of solar products to their needs feed into each other. Consumers at the bottom of Africa’s economic pyramid live on between $0.90 and $2.00 a day. On this income, no BOP customer can afford to pay upfront the price of even the cheapest solar product at the bottom of the energy ladder – a basic solar lamp priced between $10 and $20. Ironically, most of the products in the market are not small lamps but larger and more expensive home systems. Therefore, not only are the products too expensive, they also do not match the needs of the customer. Most of the products in the market are on the third and fourth tier of the energy ladder. Meanwhile Esther, the typical BOP customer, has not even made the first step.
Evidently, there is a mismatch between the customer and the seller. Both sides of the business transaction need cash. The seller needs cash not only to distribute, but also to sustain the customer before they can fully pay off the product. Businesses have developed PAYG, lease-to-own and other instalment based payment models to cater for the fact that the customer can’t pay upfront. However, this subsequently means that the business needs a large amount of working cash to service the customer before they complete their payments. The customer payback period can range from a couple of months to a couple of years. Unfortunately, even these unique models still do not make up for the fact that the product is above a customer’s level on both the energy and income ladder. Even daily instalments as low as $0.40 a day, would still prove too expensive for a BOP customer whose income goes largely to necessities. Businesses don’t go to the true BOP. When they do, they run a real risk of giving loans to customers who can’t pay.
So, how exactly can we get clean energy products to the BOP? We recommend that the market needs not only working capital, but also new and innovative business models that allow companies to take products further down the economic pyramid and right to doorstep of Esther at the BOP.
This article was first published on Wednesday 15 February 2017 at: <a href="https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/02/how-can-energy-companies-help-those-at-the-bottom-of-the-economic-pyramid">https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/02/how-can-energy-companies-help-those-at-the-bottom-of-the-economic-pyramid</a> and is republished with its permission

Africa’s poorest people need access to clean energy. How can we get it to them?

The Arusha Declaration of <a href="http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199679966.001.0001/acprof-9780199679966-chapter-20">1967</a> is a defining document in Tanzania’s and Africa’s post colonial history. It began a process of nationalisation and <a href="https://www.britannica.com/place/Tanzania/Economy">rural collectivisation</a> which was then replicated in other parts of the <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02533950008458699?journalCode=rsdy20">continent</a>. <img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/73881/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />
As one of the few countries in East Africa not beset by internecine conflicts, Tanzania is often seen as a <a href="http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/Rwanda-among-least-peaceful-countries-Tanzania-high/2558-1891216-view-printVersion-14piq48/index.html">beacon of hope</a>. But the country’s history hasn’t been entirely peaceful.
For example, the creation of the <a href="http://www.sadc.int/member-states/tanzania/">United Republic</a> in 1964 was the outcome of a <a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/201201120789.html">bloody revolution</a> in Zanzibar. And the forced resettlement of the rural population in the 1970s was <a href="https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article-abstract/101/405/509/52353/Almost-an-Oxfam-in-itself-Oxfam-Ujamaa-and">often brutal</a>. The supposedly backward south of the country was most affected by this <a href="http://www.jstor.org/stable/40984999?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">social engineering</a>.
Julius Nyerere, Tanzania’s first post-independence leader, might be rightly revered across Africa for the role his government played in various <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/article/tanzania-and-its-support-southern-african-liberation-movements">liberation struggles</a>. But his domestic agenda isn’t recalled with the same fondness, especially in the south.
Multiparty democracy came to Tanzania in <a href="http://www.gsdrc.org/document-library/multiparty-democracy-in-tanzania/">1995</a>. Yet the autocratic and paternalistic tendencies remain, as reflected in the extremely heavy-handed nature of the response to <a href="http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/national/Why-Mtwara--violence-is-beyond-gas-pipeline/1840392-1861170-u5mncc/index.html">unrest in Mtwara in 2013</a>.
This is also echoed by the actions and rhetoric of current President <a href="http://cnbc.africa/news/east-africa/2017/01/03/tanzanias-president-john-magufuli-the-bulldozer/">John “the bulldozer” Magufuli</a>. While some celebrate his “no nonsense” attitude when it comes to tackling corruption and excessive government spending, others express major concerns over his ban on opposition <a href="http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/Enough-politicking--JPM-tells-Opposition/-/1840340/3264682/-/15iu05dz/-/index.html">political rallies</a> until the 2020 general election. He’s also drawn ire for the failure of his government to implement court <a href="http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/Implement-our-rulings--rights-court-tells-TZ-govt/1840340-3833490-t71ylhz/index.html">rulings on human rights</a>.
And the country has witnessed major protests at the management of newly discovered <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-22652809">reserves of natural gas</a> in the south.
As a result there’s a widespread view across southern Tanzania that for half a century the central government has pursued a deliberate process of mistreatment and <a href="https://books.google.co.uk/books/about/The_Making_of_a_Periphery.html?id=mcabzHC8N70C&amp;redir_esc=y">marginalisation</a>.
Rural collectivisation is a significant milestone in such claims, a process that was kick-started by the Arusha Declaration. The document’s 50th anniversary is a prescient moment to reflect on its impact and the legacy of autocratic rule in Tanzania.
<h2>Tumultuous times</h2>
My <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.26">fieldwork</a> over many years in southern Tanzania has revealed widespread scepticism about the value of independence to the inhabitants. Uhuru – or independence – from Britain in 1961 is seen to be a less significant moment in the lives of many rural Tanzanians than the Arusha Declaration.
As a 90-year old farmer told me:
<blockquote>Tanganyika became Tanzania and our flag changed, (Queen) Elizabeth left and (President) Nyerere arrived. The leaders knew about these changes but nothing changed for me… Change came after Nyerere’s speech in Arusha, he told us about ujamaa and we were forced to move from our villages.</blockquote>
Many Tanzanians living in the southern parts of the country feel the same way. This isn’t surprising given that the declaration triggered rural collectivisation (villagisation) which brought about tangible changes to people’s lives. It also cemented the language of <a href="http://pdfproc.lib.msu.edu/?file=/DMC/African%20Journals/pdfs/political%20science/volume8n1/ajps008001004.pdf">ujamaa</a> or “African Socialism”.
Villagisation was guided by the belief that communal farming could improve agricultural productivity and guarantee long-term food security and self-sufficiency.
At the outset Nyerere declared that migration to ujamaa villages would happen voluntarily. Forcing people to move wouldn’t be countenanced by the state.
But when only 15% of the total population chose to resettle between 1969 and 1973 the governing Tanganyika Africa National Union <a href="https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/2787373.pdf">decreed</a> that:
<blockquote>to live in villages is an order.</blockquote>
Nyerere’s increasing sense of urgency is reflected both in his famous phrase <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/78ABA581AA13EDCC6C964A4AF3AC75E1/S0022278X0300421Xa.pdf/we-must-run-while-others-walk-popular-participation-and-development-crisis-in-tanzania-1961-9.pdf">“we must run while others walk”</a> and in the decision to rapidly transform voluntary migration into mass resettlement. Many people that I interviewed recalled this as a brutal process.
<blockquote>People were moved by force, the soldiers came, they came to worry the people, and they were taken, all of their things <a href="http://roar.uel.ac.uk/4950/">were destroyed or put in a truck</a>.</blockquote>
Not all recollections of this process were universally negative. But first hand experiences of villagisation had a profound and lasting impact on many people.
These were tumultuous times in the country, also reflected in increased authoritarianism in Tanzania from the late 1960s onward. Renowned Ugandan academic <a href="http://www.columbia.edu/cu/mesaas/faculty/directory/mamdani.html">Mahmood Mamdani</a> describes the events as <a href="http://press.princeton.edu/titles/5839.html">“decentralized despotism”</a> – a paternalistic urban elite making decisions for the “backward” rural poor. This, he argued, bore many of the hallmarks of colonial modes of rule within post colonial power structures.
There have been other critiques of the ujamaa villages project. It not only affected people on the ground but also precipitated a <a href="http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-7679.1975.tb00439.x/pdf">national food crisis</a>.
One of <a href="https://doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.26">my interviewees</a> blamed Nyerere directly for
<blockquote>destroy[ing] our farms and houses to build something that he called the nation.</blockquote>
<h2>Why caution is required</h2>
Magufuli’s sky high national <a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/201609160870.html">approval ratings</a> show no signs of abating. This adds further fuel to the <a href="http://africasacountry.com/2016/10/whatwouldnyereredo/">comparison</a> that is made with Julius “father of the nation” Nyerere.
The autocratic nature of Nyerere’s rule, informed by a clear <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/african-studies-review/article/div-classtitlecolonial-legacies-and-postcolonial-authoritarianism-in-tanzania-connects-and-disconnectsdiv/CAB95D655FDF2C003FE2A9CE128CDF28">sense of paternalism</a> towards the rural majority, mirrors the colonial model and is reflected in contemporary political leadership in Tanzania.
I believe that there’s merit in the argument that the forcible resettlement of the rural majority under Nyerere partially mirrored colonial modes of rule. The worrying thing is that further continuities are evident in the enactment of the Arusha Declaration and the authoritarianism of today.
This should be food for thought for those heaping praise on the new regime in Tanzania.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/rob-ahearne-334689">Rob Ahearne</a>, Senior Lecturer in International Development, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-east-london-924">University of East London</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-legacy-of-autocratic-rule-in-tanzania-from-nyerere-to-life-under-magufuli-73881">original article</a>.

Tanzania’s legacy of autocratic rule – from Nyerere to life under Magufuli

One of the most striking observations about the status and progress of women business ownership is that it is not always correlated to the wealth and level of development of an economy, reveals the inaugural <a href="http://www.newsroom.mastercard.com/asia-pacific">Mastercard</a> Index of Women Entrepreneurs (MIWE).
According to the index, Uganda (34.8 percent) and Botswana (34.6 percent) rank first and second in the world for women business owners, with other developing countries such as Russia, Bangladesh, China and Vietnam also in the top 10.
The index found that New Zealand (third) and Australia (fifth) are the developed countries with highest rates of female business owners.  While South Africa has made significant progress in creating equal access for women in financial services and tertiary education, the number of women business owners are constrained due to the lack of perceived business opportunities, funding, and motivation.
Women business owners as a % of all business owners – Top 10 markets
<ol>
<li>Uganda – 34.8 percent</li>
<li>Botswana – 34.6 percent</li>
<li>New Zealand – 33.3 percent</li>
<li>Russia – 32.6 percent</li>
<li>Austria – 32.4 percent</li>
<li>Bangladesh – 31.6 percent</li>
<li>Vietnam – 31.4 percent</li>
<li>China – 30.9 percent</li>
<li>Spain – 30.8 percent</li>
<li>United States – 30.7 percent</li>
</ol>
<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone size-medium wp-image-90555" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Mastercard-infographic-144x300.jpg" alt="" width="144" height="300" />
South Africa ranks 21st (64.4) on the Index, which tracks female entrepreneurs’ ability to capitalise on opportunities granted through various supporting conditions within their local environments. The index uses three components made up of 12 indicators and 25 sub-indicators to look at how 54 economies, representing 78.6 percent of the world’s female labour force, differ in terms of the level of Women’s Advancement Outcomes, Knowledge Assets &amp; Financial Access, and Supporting Entrepreneurial Factors.
Despite a healthy MIWE score, women account for only 19.1 percent of business owners in South Africa (rank 44), indicating that women’s progress in entrepreneurship has been disappointingly low compared to its global counterparts.
“South Africa’s resourceful women are one of its biggest assets, yet it is evident that South African women’s full potential and value as entrepreneurs and business owners are yet to be unleashed,” says Mark Elliott, Division President, Mastercard South Africa. “We must accelerate our efforts to dismantle the structural obstacles and biases that impede female entrepreneurship so that women can play an enlarged role in South Africa’s economic growth story.”
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This African country ranks first in the world for women business owners

JSE listed Allied Electronics Corporation  (Altron) has appointed  MTN South Africa&#8217;s CEO Mteto Nyati, a respected ICT executive and business leader, as its new Group Chief Executive.
Nyati was previously the Chief Executive Officer for MTN South Africa and brings a wealth of experience to the Group.
He joined MTN as Group Chief Enterprise Officer in October 2014, after working at Microsoft South Africa since 2008. At Microsoft, Nyati served as Managing Director for the South African operations, and also had a short stint as the group’s General Manager for the MEA Emerging Regions. Prior to that he was the Director of IBM Global Technology Services at IBM South Africa.
Nyati holds a BSc in Mechanical Engineering from the University of KwaZulu-Natal. He also studied at Yale University. In 2004, he was named a Yale University World Fellow.
Nyati will assume responsibility as Altron Chief Executive no later than 1 July 2017. Venter will step down as Chief Executive in due course. He will remain on the Altron Board as a Non-Executive Director to continue to provide his wealth of knowledge and experience to the Group.
According to Mike Leeming, Chairman of the Altron Board, the appointment of Nyati followed a rigorous recruitment process.
“The Altron Board embarked on a global search for a suitable candidate with the necessary global leadership experience and business orientation with a solid track record in the ICT sector. Mteto has in-depth blue chip technology experience having been at IBM for twelve years and six years at Microsoft prior to joining MTN in October 2014. He has extensive experience in both the business-to-business and business-to-consumer markets. We are extremely pleased to have him on board and are confident that he, the board and Robbie will work well together during the handover phase,” said Leeming.
With respect to the enormous contribution made by Venter to the Altron Group during his tenure as Chief Executive, Leeming had the following to say: “Robbie has been with the Group for 27 years, 16 years of which have been as Chief Executive. He has been of great assistance in implementing the Group’s business strategy to focus Altron in areas where it has the resources, competence and skills to leverage a competitive advantage through the disposal of certain material non-core assets. We look forward to his continued contribution to the Altron Group as a Non-Executive Director on the Altron Board,” Leeming said.
According to Robbie Venter, he and the Venter family remain fully committed to the Altron Group.
“The Altron Group has been my life and it has been a privilege to be at the helm of an organisation of such stature and to lead employees of the caliber that we find throughout the Altron Group. While we have gone through highs and troughs during my tenure, I have always been moved by the professionalism of all employees of the Group as they have positively embraced the various changes we have implemented for the good of the organisation as a whole. The Venter family will continue to be involved in the Group, both as shareholders and their representation on the Board as non-executive directors,” said Venter.
According to Nyati, he is honoured and pleased by the opportunity to lead the Altron Group.
“To be appointed to the helm of an organisation that has been in business for 51 years is both an honour and a challenge. It is an honour in that Altron has a strong legacy of leadership and innovation in the markets in which it plays. It is a challenge as the information technology and telecommunications sectors are fast evolving and in order to stay ahead of the curve, organisations like Altron continually have to re-invent themselves in order to stay relevant and competitive in the changing business landscape. I look forward to working with Robbie during the transition period and engaging with the Altron Board and all employees of Altron as we take the Group into the next phase of its growth,” said Nyati.

MTN S.A’s CEO to head up Altron

On March 6, it’ll be 60 years since Ghana became independent; one of the first on the continent to go it alone. This diamond jubilee has drawn mixed feelings.   The article below first appeared in Forbes Africa and is republished with its permission. Subscribe today by contacting Shanna Jacobsen <a href="mailto:Shanna.Jacobsen@abn360.com">Shanna.Jacobsen@abn360.com</a>
At least the new president Nana Akufo-Addo is optimistic. In a press statement he called for reflection on what makes Ghanaians who they are. This year’s theme, according to him, is:  “Mobilizing for Ghana’s Future.” That is, a year for Ghanaians to understand their country’s shortcomings and look at ways to improve.
Good timing, when growth is falling. According to figures from the World Bank, Ghana’s economy grew by 4.9% during the first quarter of 2016. However, overall gross domestic product (GDP) growth for the whole of 2016 could be below the 3.9% achieved in 2015, due to production problems in oil.
Inflation is at 16.7%, made worse by the country’s erratic energy supply that sees businesses put prices up when they use generators.
Victor Ohene Oppong, Founder of Invest Hub, a financial advisory firm in Accra, is, like many of his countrymen, in no mood for jubilation.
“Sixty years ago our founding father, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah famously opined, Ghana your beloved country is free forever, and we all thought managing our own resources would lead to prosperity for everyone but that has simply not been the case. We have issued our fifth Eurobond debt for $750 million and the oil crisis has led to a sharp contraction in oil exports. Businesses are fighting for survival because when there is no cash flow you die. So what is there to celebrate?” he says.
Economic hard times have hit Oppong in the pocket. Last year, he had to lay off five expatriates and close down one of his two branches because of low revenues.
“The debt to GDP ratio stands at about 70% and the last unemployment figures show at least 42% of people are still struggling to find jobs. I think the president is right when he calls this a time of reflection, we need to think very hard and carefully about the future of this country,” says Oppong.
Richmond Nartey, Managing Director of RN Shipping in Tema, agrees.
“Sixty years is a lifetime. For most people that is the age when they begin to think about retirement and enjoying life. But that is not the case for Ghana. The value of our currency is still very weak against the dollar and even though we decided to use our own local currency, many companies still charge in dollars. Foreign currency restrictions in Ghana are still a big issue for our kind of business. What happens to businesses that cannot get their hands on the much-needed dollars to be able to run their business?” says Nartey.
Following the end of decades of rule by former coup leader Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings, Ghana has done its best to clean up its democratic act. Ghana’s two-party electoral system is earning the confidence of the world for its peaceful political transitions. For this reason alone, Mary Osei, Account Manager at HFC Bank, believes there is cause to celebrate.
“This is a time to remember all the things that make this country a wonderful place to live. Yes, there are several challenges we are facing, but which economy isn’t facing challenges? We have to continue to work together to build on the achievements we have and make this nation great,” says Osei.
“If there was ever a day to be proud of your Ghanaian heritage and to be patriotic, there is no better day than March 6, so I do not agree with the naysayers and people who believe there is no need for celebrations,” she says.
Yet the debate over how to celebrate Ghana’s 60th birthday has been fierce. Akufo-Addo set up a 30-member committee to plan the celebrations with a budget of GHc20 million ($4.57 million), which has proved controversial on the streets.
“If there is anywhere that money needs to be spent, it should be in the creative industry instead of throwing it away on branding buses with faces of old presidents or parties. There are failing sectors in the economy where that money could be put to much better use,” says Adamz, a hip-hop artist in Ghana.
The influence of Ghana’s independence over Africa cannot be underestimated. It was the first black African nation to cast off colonialism and inspired many others to follow suit.
&#8220;At long last, the battle has ended!  And thus, Ghana, your beloved country is free forever!&#8221; said Ghana’s first leader Kwame Nkrumah on independence night in 1957. The new leader wore his prison cap – a symbol of his incarceration by the British during his independence struggle – with the letters PG, for prison graduate, embroidered on the front.
Martin Luther King Jr. was with half a million Ghanaians at the ceremony and saw a parallel with Ghana’s freedom and his struggle for civil rights in the United States.
“Before I knew it, I started weeping. I was crying for joy. And I knew about all of the struggles, and all of the pain, and all of the agony that these people had gone through for this moment,” recalled King in an interview years later.
Nkrumah, the father of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), which evolved into the African Union, drew many admirers in his first bold steps as a pan-Africanist leader. They included a young teacher by the name of Robert Mugabe who had been seconded to Ghana, by the then Rhodesian government, to a training college.
Mugabe was very taken by the sight of confident Africans in an independent nation and returned home determined to fight for an independent Zimbabwe.
Independence turned out to be bittersweet for Ghana – it was followed by assassination attempts and coups. The idealistic Nkrumah disappointed many when he declared himself president-for-life in 1964.
At least, in the 21st century, democracy in Ghana is closer than it probably ever has been to the shining ideals of 1957.

Ghana at 60

The 5th edition of the AFRICA CEO FORUM will take place from 20 &#8211; 21 March in Geneva and will focus on how to succeed in this new economic cycle on the continent. Having cemented its status as the foremost meeting dedicated to the development of the African private sector, the  AFRICA CEO FORUM 2017 will bring together more than 1000 personalities, key decision makers in industry, finance and politics from the African continent and around the globe.
This year’s theme is “Re-thinking Africa’s business model”. The AFRICA CEO FORUM 2017 will open the debate on the economic boom of the 2000s, the context of economic growth in Africa and the critical decisions that must be taken to reach rapid and sustainable growth.
Major themes will include:
<ul>
<li>Unleashing innovation and the entrepreneurial potential of youth and women</li>
<li>Making Africa more attractive for international investors</li>
<li>Turning African stock exchanges into competitive powerhouses</li>
<li>Creating the next generation of African exporters</li>
</ul>
The AFRICA CEO FORUM 2017 will also offer 20 sessions for debate and reflection, allowing participants to hit strategic topics for driving African corporate growth including: digital transformation, fintech, agribusiness, private equity, emerging African champions, electricity and innovation.
<a href="http://www.theafricaceoforum.com/en/programme/2017-03-20/">Find out more about the programme</a>
Amongst the African and international personalities who will take part in the discussion and debate at the AFRICA CEO FORUM 2017 :
Akinwumi Adesina, President, African Development Bank ; Paul Polman, CEO, Unilever ; Mo Ibrahim, President, Mo Ibrahim Foundation ; Naguib Sawiris, CEO, OTMT Investments ; Phuthuma Nhleko, Chairperson, MTN ; Tonye Cole, Co-Founder and Group Executive Director, Sahara Group ; Oluwatoyin Sanni, CEO, United Capital ; Ibukun Awosika, Chairperson, Firstbank ; Mohammed Dewji, CEO, Mohammed Enterprises ; Bruno Mettling, CEO, Africa and Middle East, Orange ; Diego Aponte, CEO, MSC ; Benedict Oramah, CEO, Afreximbank ; Marie-Yvonne Charlemagne, CEO, Rougier ; Sola David-Borha, CEO, Stanbic IBTC Holdings ; Julius Kipng’etich, CEO, Uchumi Supermarkets ; Issad Rebrab, CEO, Cevital ; Saïd Ibrahimi, CEO, Casablanca Finance City Authority as well as Jean Kacou Diagou, CEO, NSIA.
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Press contact : Abdoul Maïga – Tel. +33 1 44 30 18 18 – <a href="mailto:a.maiga@theafricaceoforum.com">a.maiga@theafricaceoforum.com</a>
&nbsp;

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