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<p>Finally! Nigeria&#8217;s Presidency says it will sign the Africa Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) this weekend at the African Union summit in Niamey. Meanwhile, total capital imported into Nigeria in the first half of the year rose 34.6 per cent to $8.5 billion year-on-year. Nonso Obikili, Director at Turgot Centre for Economics and Policy Research joins CNBC Africa for more.</p>


Nigeria to sign AfCFTA at AU summit in Niamey

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<p>The African Union says it is currently working on digital identification across Africa to promote growth of safe digital trade. In an exclusive chat with CNBC Africa&#8217;s Christy Cole at the just concluded Afreximbank Annual meetings, AU Commissioner for trade and industry, Albert Muchanga talked Africa&#8217;s commitment to partnerships, digital trade and unravelled the latest issue of Africa Trade Report.</p>


AU’s Albert Muchanga on the role digital trade in Africa’s growth


<p><em>Content supplied </em></p>



<p><em>By</em> <em>Magdi Amin, an Investment Partner with </em><a href="http://www.omidyar.com/"><em>Omidyar Network</em></a> </p>



<p>Africa’s digital revolution is transforming our economy at a record pace. Africa is home to the 10 fastest growing cities in the world,<a href="#_ftn1">[1]</a> and for nearly a decade, we’ve had the world’s fastest rate of internet adoption – gaining 20 percent more users in the last year alone.<a href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> This expanded access has given rise to a powerful digital economy—one that’s expected to grow by more than US$300 billion by 2025.<a href="#_ftn3">[3]</a> But all this change begs the question: How do we ensure that Africa’s transformative technology fulfills its promise as a force for good?</p>



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<p>As Africa’s economy moves online, so do the people who engage with it. And in this digital age, we need a modern way of proving that we are who we say we are, establishing trust, and transacting from afar. Increasingly, we will access a common digital market with our “digital identities,” often via a finger scan or a digital wallet.  </p>



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<p>The African Union (AU) has recently recognized digital identification systems as essential infrastructure to unlock access to profound new social and economic opportunity, such as education, employment, financial services, mobile communication, travel, and voting. Sixty percent of Africans believe their governments will introduce new or revamped identity systems in the next two years, in part to support the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) and to deliver public goods and services more effectively.<a href="#_ftn4">[4]</a> </p>



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<p>Studies show that Africa
stands more to gain from the adoption of digital identity than any other region
in the world; it also risks a lot if the systems are designed without
safeguards. How we treat our identity data will determine if digital identity
empowers or exploit Africans. </p>



<p>Will we have choices? Will we
be required to submit so much information, including DNA, that it puts our
privacy and security at risk? Will we be consulted to ensure everyone is
included, especially the 500 million Africans who do not have a foundational form of ID today?<a href="#_ftn5">[5]</a>
Does the digital identity system design reflect the rights and protections
afforded by law? Will our data be shared with foreign companies or governments,
and if so, will the rights I enjoy in my country with respect to my data still
protect me?</p>



<p>Human and digital rights groups have raised these questions in response to recent ID-related decisions in Kenya, Zimbabwe, and Nigeria. On April 1, Kenya’s High Court suspended some of the contentious design decisions, such as making ID mandatory for public services, pending a hearing. When ID is mandatory, we have seen less pressure on governments and businesses to ensure the system is useful, safe, and trusted by individuals.</p>



<p>Digital identity is a complex
task with many moral, economic, political, and technological choices. The AU, <a href="https://medium.com/positive-returns/why-we-invested-un-economic-commission-for-africa-c55b824f09f3">UN Economic Commission for Africa</a>, Smart Africa, Internet
Society, Africa Digital Rights Hub, the World Bank and others are actively equipping
governments, businesses, and civil society with tools and training that can
lead to good outcomes for people. </p>



<p>For example, they are helping
all 54 AU governments define and implement a shared set of principles for Good
Digital Identity in Africa. The principles convey an African view on inclusion, data
ownership, interoperability across borders, compatibility with existing
systems, privacy, security and safeguards, governance, neutrality, and
accountability. Building on both the AU Data Protection Guidelines and the
Principles on Identification for Sustainable Development, the framework also
addresses exclusion, discrimination, surveillance, consent, and other key
issues of our time. </p>



<p>As technology shapes the very
notion of identity and introduces new risks and dilemmas, civil society,
businesses, and other stakeholders should engage in this conversation. It’s up
to all of us to help ensure governments and companies deliver solutions that
protect and empower citizens. </p>



<p>It’s an opportunity Africans cannot
afford to miss. Digital identity systems could unlock as much as 6 percent GDP
growth,<a href="#_ftn6">[6]</a>
and up to 50 percent of that economic value can go straight into the hands of
citizens. But those gains are possible only if digital identity is implemented equitably
with trust, transparency, and accountability.<a href="#_ftn7">[7]</a>
</p>



<p>If we truly want to escape from hunger,&nbsp;disease,&nbsp;illiteracy,&nbsp;gender
inequality,&nbsp;and&nbsp;other global
challenges,&nbsp;everyone must have equitable access to engage in the
daily transactions that power societal and economic progress. And they must be
able to do so fearlessly—with privacy, security, and individual control. A good
digital identity will lay the foundation for the future we want.&nbsp;&nbsp; </p>



<p>Africans must ask for all ID
to be Good ID. They must trust that ID and, therefore, use it voluntarily
because it empowers without putting them at risk. Without this, Africans will continue to suffer from
unequal access to employment and educational opportunities; health and
financial services; and many of the critical social
protections they need to succeed. Good ID provides a framework to improve the quality of our
digital identities with important safeguards embedded in technology, policy,
and practice while helping millions of Africans participate in and benefit from
today’s digital economy. </p>



<p>With Gambia’s ratification,
the AfCFTA has drawn enough signatures to go into operation. This milestone
makes Africa the world’s largest free trade area. And with increased connectivity,
shared government platforms, entrepreneurship, and skills, our digital economy
is building to become a powerful force for good. Now, our challenge expands
beyond keeping pace with the digital revolution—we must enable Good ID to
thrive by placing the interests of Africans at the center of our social and
economic future. </p>



<p>Transparent, accountable, and
trust-building practices lead to Good ID. System planners, technologists,
program managers, policy makers, and investors can either build or erode trust
with digital ID holders with every choice they make. An emphasis on privacy,
inclusion, user value, user control, and security will ultimately create the
foundation for impact and mitigate most risks of digital identity. </p>



<p><em>Magdi Amin is an Investment Partner with </em><a href="http://www.omidyar.com/"><em>Omidyar Network</em></a><em>, </em><em>focused on digital identity. Prior to joining the
Omidyar Network, he worked for the World Bank Group for over two decades –
living and working across Africa, East Asia and MENA. He led the development of
the World Bank’s Africa Digital Economy strategy and recently spearheaded
Omidyar Network’s first investment in digital identity in Africa, in
collaboration with the Economic Commission for Africa.</em><br></p>



<hr class="wp-block-separator"/>



<p><a href="#_ftnref1">[1]</a> United Nations Department of Economic and
Social Affairs: <a href="https://population.un.org/wup/Publications/Files/WUP2018-KeyFacts.pdf">2018 Revision of the World Urbanization Prospects</a></p>



<p><a href="#_ftnref2">[2]</a> We Are Social &amp; Hootsuite: <a href="https://digitalreport.wearesocial.com/">Digital in 2018 Report</a></p>



<p><a href="#_ftnref3">[3]</a> McKinsey Global Institute: <a href="https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/high-tech/our-insights/lions-go-digital-the-internets-transformative-potential-in-africa">Lions go Digital: The Internet’s Transformative
Potential in Africa (2013)</a></p>



<p><a href="#_ftnref4">[4]</a> ID4Africa: <a href="https://www.biometricupdate.com/201804/id4africa-survey-shows-near-universal-support-for-biometrics-elections-among-african-identity-community">2018 survey</a></p>



<p><a href="#_ftnref5">[5]</a> World Bank: <a href="https://datacatalog.worldbank.org/dataset/identification-development-global-dataset">2018 ID4D Global Data Set</a></p>



<p><a href="#_ftnref6">[6]</a> McKinsey Global Institute: <a href="https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/innovation-and-growth/the-value-of-digital-id-for-the-global-economy-and-society">Digital Identification: A Key to Inclusive Growth</a></p>



<p><a href="#_ftnref7">[7]</a> McKinsey Global Institute: <a href="https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/innovation-and-growth/the-value-of-digital-id-for-the-global-economy-and-society">Digital Identification: A Key to Inclusive Growth</a></p>


As more Africans go online this is what needs to be done to protect their identities

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<p>ABN Group co-founder Rakesh Wahi gave a welcome speech at ‘The Forbes Woman Africa Leading Women Summit 2019’ gala dinner, held at the Durban ICC. Rakesh Wahi is the co-founder of the ABN Group, a media holding company for CNBC Africa and Forbes Africa.</p>


Welcome address by ABN Group’s Rakesh Wahi at the Forbes Woman Africa LWS gala dinner

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<p>The African Business Coalition for Health was launched on the sidelines of the African Union Summit in Addis Ababa. The coalition aims to mobilise a core group of private sector players through a coordinated platform to advance health outcomes. Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, Co-Chairman of Global Business Coalition for health and Founder of the African Business Coalition for Health joined CNBC Africa’s Wole Famurewa to discuss his vision for ABC-Health.</p>


GBC-Health launches the African business coalition for health

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<p>The African Union is expected to host a special high-level consultation meeting and government on the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo whose recent political climate could cast a dark cloud over the country’s economy. CNBC Africa spoke to some Congolese citizens living in Rwanda and here are their views on what the situation in their country.</p>


DRC vote dispute: Congolese living in Rwanda speak out

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<p>Following the conclusion of the first-ever Intra-Africa Trade Fair in Cairo, Egypt, Albert Muchanga, the Commissioner for Trade and Industry at African Union joined CNBC Africa’s Godfrey Mutizwa to highlight the gains of the event.</p>


Assessing the gains of the Intra-Africa Trade Fair

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<p>Rwanda’s President and chairperson of the African Union His Excellency Paul Kagame was awarded the ‘African of The Year” award at the finale of the All Africa Business Leadership Awards held in Johannesburg South Africa.  The award celebrates and honours leaders who have contributed and shaped the African economy. President Kagame is also on the cover of the Forbes Africa December and January issue. Forbes Managing Editor Renuka Methil caught up with him recently to find out who he dedicates this award to.</p>


Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame honoured with AABLA African of the year award

<p><div id="attachment_313563" style="width: 706px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-313563" class="wp-image-313563 size-large" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/50th_Anniversary_African_Union_Summit_in_Addis_Ababa_Ethiopia1-1110x683.jpg" alt="" width="696" height="428" /><p id="caption-attachment-313563" class="wp-caption-text">African Union Summit in Addis Ababa. Photo: Wikimedia Commons</p></div></p>
<p><em>Agenda 2063’s guiding vision is to see “an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in the international arena.” Let’s look at this guiding vision carefully, point by point.</em></p>
<p>By Nnamdi Oranye</p>
<p>Agenda 2063 is a strategic framework for the socio-economic transformation of our beautiful continent over the next 50 years. The next 50 years for us as a continent are critical. By 2030, Africa will have the largest workforce in the world. Can you imagine the possibilities that are opening up to us within just twenty years?</p>
<p>Or can you imagine how badly things will go if this large workforce becomes a liability to the world?</p>
<p>I’m optimistic. We have what it takes, and in effect nothing stops us from taking advantage of our time. Strategies such as Agenda 2063 are absolutely key for our generation going forward, and as such we shouldn’t treat such moments as simple paperwork but should seek to collectively hop on board and work for our future.</p>
<p>Agenda 2063 has seven aspirations it wants to reach by the year 2063. These are as follows.</p>
<p>&#8211; A Prosperous Africa, based on inclusive growth and sustainable development</p>
<p>&#8211; An integrated continent, politically united, based on the ideals of Pan Africanism and the vision of Africa’s Renaissance</p>
<p>&#8211; An Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law</p>
<p>&#8211; A Peaceful and Secure Africa</p>
<p>&#8211; Africa with a strong cultural identity, common heritage, values and ethics</p>
<p>&#8211; An Africa whose development is people driven, relying on the potential offered by people, especially its women and youth and caring for children</p>
<p>&#8211; An Africa as a strong, united, resilient and influential global player and partner</p>
<p>It also has a unique way of getting there, as outlined by the web page at <a href="https://au.int/agenda2063/about">https://au.int/agenda2063/about</a>. These are important details. However, what I want to do for our purposes here is examine each detail of the guiding vision and break it down, showing why it is relevant.</p>
<p><strong>The guiding vision</strong></p>
<p>Agenda 2063’s guiding vision is to see “an integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in international arena.” Let’s look at this guiding vision carefully, point by point.</p>
<ol>
<li><strong> An integrated Africa</strong></li>
</ol>
<p>We’re getting there. The AU passport promises that by 2020, travelling in our beautiful continent will be significantly easier for citizens of our many nations. I don’t think we should ever sacrifice the local for the Pan-African, but I think that without the Pan-African and us working together we will not be able to tap into our tremendous potential.</p>
<ol start="2">
<li><strong> A prosperous Africa</strong></li>
</ol>
<p>This is a tough one, but it’s an ideal we can reach. We have the prosperity in our incredible natural resources, but we also have something more important than that – our mind.</p>
<p>This is so often missed yet it is so important. Have you ever wondered how come the one country to have an atomic bomb dropped on it (and not just one, but two), Japan, has persistently and consistently done so well in the last few decades? Have you even gone to see what kind of natural resources that nation has? It’s an island, basically, with very few natural resources and with every reason to live in the horrors of its past. But yet that’s not what we see there.</p>
<p>The answer is profoundly simple. Japan taps into the most valuable resources there is: people with ideas. It invests everything into ideas and making these ideas a reality. For decades it has put innovation at the top of its priorities. Even politics comes second to innovation! We have excellent innovation in Africa. We just need to see the value and invest!</p>
<ol start="3">
<li><strong> A peaceful Africa</strong></li>
</ol>
<p>I wonder if we don’t put too much emphasis on the politicians to achieve this, rather than take up responsibility for this ourselves. Rwanda is an unbelievable example right now of a nation that has put its past horrors and grievances aside and has looked to the future. When last did you visit Kigali? Let me give you a tip: go there. It’s a truly wonderful place. What I see in Rwanda is a nation that has begun to tap into its true potential and has begun to see the incredible value of innovation.</p>
<ol start="4">
<li><strong> Driven by its own citizens</strong></li>
</ol>
<p>This, for me, is such a pivotal point of this guiding vision. No one is going to get us where we can and should be except ourselves. We need to work together. We can’t leave it up to the politicians or the celebrities or the people in power. We have the power in our own two hands and in our own minds and hearts and we can do something with it.</p>
<ol start="5">
<li><strong> Representing a dynamic force in the international arena</strong></li>
</ol>
<p>Ultimately, this is the goal. We can be this by 2030 if we roll up our sleeves now – not tomorrow, not next month, not in five years, but <em>now</em>. We will have the largest workforce in just over 20 years. What are we going to do about it?</p>
<p>I know the tremendous challenges we have to get us there, but if we are willing then we will be able. We just need to keep disrupting Africa, together!</p>


Op-Ed: Going Through Agenda 2063’s Guiding Vision

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<p>The African Union has set December 20 as the target to have at least 30 African countries ratifying the African Continental Free Trade Area. CNBC Africa spoke to Anne-elvire Esmel for a quick look into the agreement.</p>


AU targets 30 countries to ratify AfCTA by December

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<p>Ghana’s Minister of Finance Ken Ofori-Atta, joined CNBC Africa to speak on the rationale to champion a unified Africa, and the way forward.</p>


Championing a united Africa

<p>By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kealeboga-j-maphunye-171061">Kealeboga J Maphunye</a>, <em><a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-south-africa-1951">University of South Africa</a></em></p>
<p>Some African countries have recorded democratic victories in the past 12 months. Ethiopia has a <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-ethiopias-new-leader-could-be-a-game-changer-94424">new leader</a> whose ascent holds great promise for change, despite the country’s <a href="https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/article/ethiopia-100-election">problematic 2015 election</a>. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jan/30/liberia-george-weah-salary-change-constitution-racism">Liberia</a> and <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/sierra-leones-new-leader-bio-starts-work-as-president-20180405">Sierra Leone</a> have new leaders.</p>
<p>But elsewhere on the continent, leaders continue to disregard their countries’ own constitutions and laws governing presidential tenure. The Democratic Republic of Congo’s Joseph Kabila has been in power <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/feb/07/joseph-kabila-will-not-stand-in-next-drc-elections-aide-says">since 2001</a>. He refuses to go even though he was meant to step down in December 2016. In Uganda, Yoweri Museveni has clung to power since <a href="http://www.africareview.com/news/UG-lawmakers-pave-the-way-for-Museveni-stay-in-power/979180-4093204-ug1sqi/index.html">1986</a>. Denis Sassou Nguesso has ruled Congo for <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14121193">almost 30 years</a>.</p>
<p>Their refusal to step down at the appointed time flies in the face of several governance blueprints adopted as African countries shifted away from liberation politics to the new post independence <a href="https://theconversation.com/democracy-in-africa-the-ebbs-and-flows-over-six-decades-42011">struggle for democracy</a> in the early 2000s.</p>
<p>The <a href="http://www.sahistory.org.za/dated-event/organisation-african-unity-formed-and-africa-day-declared">Organisation of African Unity</a> was transformed into the <a href="https://au.int/">African Union</a> in 2001 with this shift in mind. The continent adopted progressive governance tools like the <a href="https://au.int/en/organs/aprm">African Peer Review Mechanism</a>. This was spearheaded by former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo and South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki as a tool for African countries to review one another’s performance.</p>
<p>Numerous African countries adopted and agreed to uphold the terms of the African Union Charter on Democracy, <a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/treaties/7790-treaty-0034_-_african_charter_on_democracy_elections_and_governance_e.pdf">Elections and Governance</a>. It came into force in 2012 and was designed to guard against undemocratic governance.</p>
<p>These plans promised a great deal. They were designed to usher in good governance, democracy and security. It was hoped Africa’s image as a continent of ignorance, poverty, disease, misrule and corruption could be erased.</p>
<p>The rhetoric pointed in the right direction. But not all African leaders were willing to be swept by this wave of democratic reforms. Some are quite simply addicted to power, as shown by their reluctance – if not outright resistance – to leave at the end of their legal terms.</p>
<p>Leaders continuing to overstay their welcome undermines Africa’s attempts at overhauling its leadership and negates the noble intentions of the AU’s founders.</p>
<h2>Term limits</h2>
<p>Term limits regulate leadership succession. They are meant to counteract leaders’ temptation to overstay their welcome. This helps to consolidate and legitimise democratically elected leadership.</p>
<p>Of course, they’re not enough. Regular transfer of power as seen in countries like Mauritius, Ghana, Botswana and Zambia, among others, cannot guarantee political and socio-economic stability. Other ingredients such as accountable, legitimate leadership are critical.</p>
<p>The benefits of frequent power transfers are evident in African countries that have them, such as <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/electoral-commission-confirms-senegal-ruling-coalition-landslide-20170805-2">Senegal</a>; <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-botswana-politics/botswanas-khama-steps-down-as-president-after-a-decade-at-helm-idUSKBN1H70DO">Botswana</a> and <a href="https://guardian.ng/news/mauritius-gets-new-pm-opposition-demands-new-election/">Mauritius</a>. Incumbents are kept on their toes because there’s a real chance they can be removed from power if they fail to govern properly.But regular transfers of power give citizens hope that new policies, programmes and approaches will be adopted by the new leadership. In turn, this could overturn numerous political, social, economic impacts of uninterrupted strangleholds on power in Africa.</p>
<p>Term limits have recently become controversial and divisive. Some leaders have used dubious constitutional amendments to extend their stay in power. Usually, governing parties and their leaders almost exclusively pass such amendments with minimal or no opposition participation. That’s what happened in Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi and Congo Republic.</p>
<p>Similarly, despite constitutional provisions and regular elections, countries such as Angola, Togo, Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea are virtually de facto one party or one leader repressive states wherein resignation, retirement and term limits are meaningless.</p>
<p>Leaders have different reasons for refusing to leave office. In some countries, the answer lies in a lack of succession planning to transfer power. In others, leaders blatantly refuse to resign because of their despotic and kleptocratic tendencies. They abuse their states’ minerals, oil and money with their <a href="https://issafrica.org/iss-today/african-leaders-take-the-blame-for-the-continents-resource-curse">families and friends</a>. Stepping aside would cost them these “benefits”.</p>
<p>For instance, the eventual departure of Angola’s Eduardo Dos Santos from office after decades in power has <a href="https://theconversation.com/stability-in-southern-africa-hinges-on-how-leaders-gain-and-lose-power-89980">left his family exposed</a>. His children stand accused of amassing billions during their father’s many terms.</p>
<p>Without strong constitutional safeguards and a democratic culture to counter the negative consequences of the <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2012-04-13-anc-must-renew-itself-and-root-out-sins-of-incumbency">“sins of incumbency”</a> – as corruption associated with state power is often described by South Africa’s governing party, the African National Congress – can be menacing. It breeds <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Big-Men-Little-People-Leaders/dp/081477542X">“Big Men, Little People”</a>, to borrow a phrase from the title of a book by journalist Alec Russel.</p>
<h2>Weaning leaders off power addiction</h2>
<p>Perceptive leaders know when to leave office, whether through resignation or <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/03/31/botswana-president-ian-khama-steps-down-after-end-of-tenure//">retirement</a>. Botswana’s past and current presidents have established this practice despite the country’s continued <a href="http://www.thepatriot.co.bw/analysis-opinions/item/3585-single-party-dominance-not-good-for-democracy.html">one-party domination</a>.</p>
<p>With the emergence of a strong democratic culture, South Africa has experienced the opposite of such presidential power mongering. Two presidents were recalled by their political party the ANC, albeit for different reasons. Thabo Mbeki readily <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2008-09-21-mbeki-resigns-before-the-nation">accepted his fate</a> when he was told to pack up and go, although he was not accused of any specific wrong doing. Jacob Zuma remained defiant and only stepped aside when faced with the very real prospect of a vote of <a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2018-02-13-anc-want-motion-of-no-confidence-against-zuma">no-confidence</a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/01/nana-akufo-addo-sworn-ghana-president-170107124239549.html">Ghana</a>, <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-37086365">Zambia</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/namibia-grown-up-after-a-generation-into-independence-but-not-yet-mature-74571">Namibia</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/buharis-victory-in-nigerian-election-has-global-significance-39416">Nigeria</a>, <a href="https://www.constitutionnet.org/news/presidential-elections-malawi-towards-majoritarian-501-electoral-system">Malawi</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/magufuli-has-been-president-for-two-years-how-hes-changing-tanzania-86777">Tanzania</a> are other African states where regular transfer of power has occurred.</p>
<p>African voters are not blameless. They habitually relax their vigilance on leaders and fail to hold them to account after elections. This, coupled with winner-take-all election systems, renders some African countries vulnerable to autocratic, despotic and non-accountable leaders who would rather die in office than leave.</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/94196/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />What, then, is the solution? It may be time for ordinary voters across the continent to begin to collaborate through non-governmental organisations and other cross-border institutional mechanisms to share experiences and begin to enforce durable continental democracy. Africa needs democracy from below.</p>
<p><a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/kealeboga-j-maphunye-171061">Kealeboga J Maphunye</a>, Professor, Department of Political Sciences, University of South Africa (UNISA), <em><a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-south-africa-1951">University of South Africa</a></em></p>
<p>This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/weaning-african-leaders-off-addiction-to-power-is-an-ongoing-struggle-94196">original article</a>.</p>


Why it’s impossible to wean African leaders off their addiction to power

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<p>Speaking at one of the panels at the AU extra ordinary signing, South Africa&#8217;s President noted that the issue of visa restrictions against Rwandans traveling to his country should be &#8220;considered solved.&#8221;</p>


SA to lift visa restrictions for Rwandans

<p>African leaders agreed on Wednesday to form a $3 trillion continental free-trade zone encompassing 1.2 billion people, but its two biggest economies, Nigeria and South Africa, did not sign up, diminishing its impact.</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="alignnone wp-image-126095 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Africa-map-Lego_Flickr.jpg" alt="" width="1024" height="682" /></p>
<p class="">The African Union started talks in 2015 to establish a 55-nation bloc that would be the biggest in the world by member states, in a bid to increase intra-regional trade, which sits at a measly 15 percent of Africa’s total commerce.</p>
<p class="">Rwandan president Paul Kagame, host of an AU summit called to conclude the initial negotiations, declared the meeting a success after 44 African nations signed up to establish the free trade bloc within 18 months.</p>
<p class="">It was not immediately clear why South Africa and Nigeria stayed on the sidelines. Others staying out of the bloc were Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, Zambia, Burundi, Eritrea, Benin, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau.</p>
<p class="">“It would have been great if the two biggest economies on the continent, Nigeria and South Africa, had signed, but the most important is that the rest of the continent is sending a right message to these two biggest economies that we are moving ahead without you,” said Michael Kottoh, an analyst at Confidential Strategies in Ghana.</p>
<p class="">The project needed a minimum of 22 countries signing up to get off the ground and Kagame hailed the effort so far.</p>
<p class="">“What is at stake is the dignity and well-being of Africa’s farmers, workers and entrepreneurs,” he said.</p>
<p class="">AU trade commissioner Albert Muchanga also put a positive spin on the absence of the top two African economies, telling Reuters they would soon join in.</p>
<p class="">“They are still doing national level consultations and so when they finish they will be able to come on board,” he said.</p>
<h3>TRADE ZONES</h3>
<p class="">Economists point to Africa’s low level of intra-regional trade as one of the reasons for the continent’s enduring poverty and lack of a strong manufacturing base.</p>
<p class="">It is blamed on a host of factors, from colonialism, to high internal tariffs to poor road and rail links to excessive border bureaucracy and petty corruption at frontier checkpoints.</p>
<p class="">The relatively small size of many African markets &#8211; only Nigeria and Ethiopia have populations estimated at 100 million people or more &#8211; also inhibit private sector investment.</p>
<p class="">Africa already has an alphabet soup of competing and overlapping trade zones &#8211; ECOWAS in the west, EAC in the east, SADC in the south and COMESA in the east and south &#8211; although only the EAC, driven mainly by Kenya, has made significant progress towards a common market in goods and services.</p>
<p class="">Analysts said governments needed to do more to ensure goods and people flowed freely across borders.</p>
<p class="">“If they just sign the agreement without opening the borders, without getting rid of non-tariff barriers and if they don’t work on free movement of people, it is not going to work,” analyst Kottoh said.</p>
<p class="">Even the six-nation EAC has its sticking points &#8211; Tanzania has been known to kick out Kenyan executives and impound Kenyan imports at the border, in violation of EAC rules.</p>
<p class="">Businessmen said the current set-up forced them to look outside the continent, particularly Asia for manufactured goods.</p>
<p class="">“It is easy and cheaper to buy in Asia than to buy in the sub-region because of less-flexible rules of origin and non-tariff barriers that are not clear,” said Meriem Bensalah-Chaqroun, head of the Moroccan Confederation of Businesses.</p>
<p class="">Sudden changes in rules and impromptu checks on goods also held up supply chains.</p>
<p class="">“Some countries all of a sudden decide they are going to do a quality check on goods but they don’t really know what they want to check. That slows the trade,” said Thomas Schafer, CEO of Volkswagen Africa.</p>
<p class="">“We are not able to bring a vehicle from South Africa into Zimbabwe in a cost-efficient and fast way. That needs to change.”</p>
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<p class="content_27_rw">Writing by Duncan Miriri; Editing by Ed Cropley and Alison Williams</p>
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Africa agrees to giant trade bloc, but Nigeria, South Africa sit it out

<p>Tshepo T. Gwatiwa |<em>Institut de hautes études internationales et du développement (IHEID)</em> and Michael Noel Sam | <em>Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies</em></p>
<p>The African Union (AU) has adopted a Free Movement Protocol and a draft plan of action to go with it.</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="aligncenter wp-image-301883 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Rwanda_Kigali-Convention-Centre_GettyImages.png" alt="" width="850" height="566" /></p>
<p>The idea was first set out in the Abuja Treaty, which was endorsed in 1991 at the establishment of the African Economic Community. The AU’s protocol defines free movement as the right to enter and exit member states and move freely within them, subject to the states’ laws and procedures. It regards the freedom to travel or move goods across the continent as likely to boost the economic integration of Africa.</p>
<p>There are several reasons why the protocol is an important development.</p>
<p>First, it will directly affect ordinary people. Up until now the effects of most of the AU’s treaties and protocols have filtered down to people’s lives from a distance, if at all. This protocol applies directly to citizens’ movement.</p>
<p>Second, it moves the AU closer to the progress that sub-regional groupings have made on migration. For example, the East African Community (EAC) launched its passport in 1999 and has recently started a process to issue an EAC e-passport. This is a passport with digital identification features.</p>
<p>In West Africa, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) launched a regional passport in 2000, but implementation by member states has been slow.</p>
<p>Lastly, free movement of people in other regions has been beneficial. For example, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development reports that the average unemployment rate has been lowered by 6% in Europe due to free movement within the European Union (EU). And according to the International Monetary Fund, free movement has resulted in better institutions and better economic management in Eastern Europe.</p>
<h2>Advantages of free movement</h2>
<p>There’s a great deal of evidence that migration boosts the economies of receiving countries. Free movement in Africa can be expected to enhance business and investment as the EU example has shown.</p>
<p>According to an African Development Bank report, tourism in the Seychelles increased by 7% annually between 2009 and 2014 when the country abolished visas for African nationals. By 2015, thanks to increased revenues, it had become a high income country with thriving real estate, aviation and service industries.</p>
<p>The same report also states that African travel to Rwanda has increased by 22% since it eased its visa requirements in 2013. Since then Rwanda’s cross-border trade with Kenya and Uganda has increased by 50%. This is evidence that free movement of labour and capital, boosts economic activity.</p>
<h2>Addressing the challenges</h2>
<p>But the protocol in its present form doesn’t go far enough, and the AU needs to revisit parts of it. For instance, it should choose a biometric African identification card rather than an African passport . A biometric ID is cheaper to produce than a passport and could be based on existing designs of national IDs instead of brand new documents. This could help overcome resistance to the passport on the grounds of cost.</p>
<p>The biometric ID could be introduced alongside existing national IDs. It could be rolled out in instalments and, for example, issued to diplomats, business people and students to begin with.</p>
<p>The ID would accompany ordinary sub-regional passports and exempt the bearers from visa requirements. It is instructive to note that national IDs can and do facilitate free movement too.</p>
<p>For example, 15 ECOWAS member states have introduced national IDs and plan to launch a biometric card to serve as a travel document in the region. Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda have an agreement to use national IDs for travel within the three countries.</p>
<p>Finally, there are some overlaps between the protocol and other African Union instruments such as the Refugee Convention, which recognises the special needs of vulnerable groups. Rather than restate the provisions of the convention, the protocol should be refined to provide unique protections for these special groups.</p>
<h2>Security issues and xenophobia</h2>
<p>Free movement does not have to become a security threat for individual member states. The protocol does not encourage undetected movement. Rather, it requires stricter security controls at ports of entry. This means that blacklisted individuals who could be a threat to national security can be kept out.</p>
<p>The AU’s Special Technical Committee on Defence and Security can also be given the job of improving intelligence sharing as well as cross-border police co-operation.</p>
<p>Xenophobia is also a legitimate concern when it comes to free movement. The AU could use structures and instruments like the Continental Early Warning Systems, and the Economic, Social and Cultural Council ECOSOC to help it manage issues of security and xenophobia.</p>
<h2>Gains to be made</h2>
<p>The protocol is poised to deliver significant gains for Africa. It embodies the spirit of African integration and marks progress in regional partnerships. It promises great investment and trade opportunities, as well as the possibility to boost physical infrastructure such as roads, as has been the case in America and Asia.</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/92057/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />However, various state and non-state actors must sensitise domestic populations on the benefits of free movement in order to avoid a surge of nationalism, anti-immigrant hysteria and the kind of right wing politics that has swept across Europe and America over the past four years.</p>
<p><em>This article was originally published on The Conversation.</em></p>


How the free movement of people could benefit Africa

<p><em>Mohamed M Diatta | Sciences Po – USPC</em></p>
<p>At a time where Africa has seen a few long-standing leaders exit, the issue of change in power is occupying minds of citizens as well as those in leadership positions.</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" class="aligncenter wp-image-290966 size-full" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Angola_Joao-Lourenço_Dos-Santos_GettyImages.png" alt="" width="850" height="566" /></p>
<p>In spite of their varied repertoire of tactics to remain in power, no one is immune to the wave of change in leadership that has led many African presidents to lose their coveted top job.</p>
<p>Whether through elections, succession battles, coups or end of terms in office it has become a question of when and how they will exit. That’s if one is not too concerned with what comes afterwards. Though it is too early to tell whether meaningful changes can be expected, cases such as Zimbabwe suggest that its citizens can envisage more of the same.</p>
<p>Nevertheless, a review of developments in 2017 shows that it was a fruitful year for those advocating change. Examples include the Gambia where Adama Barrow came in as a promising new leader. Angola’s Joao Manuel Lourenço rose to power and immediately replaced some top public servants, raising hopes that he might champion good governance, although there hasn’t been an overhaul of the system.</p>
<p>In any case, the arrival of a ‘new’ leader in power always brings optimism for change and constitutes an opportunity for new beginnings.</p>
<h2>The big changes of 2017</h2>
<p>In the Gambia Yahya Abdul-Aziz Jammeh decided to hang onto power following his electoral defeat to Adama Barrow.</p>
<p><div id="attachment_299592" style="width: 310px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-299592" class="wp-image-299592 size-medium" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Gambia-President_Adama-Barrow_GettyImages-300x200.png" alt="" width="300" height="200" /><p id="caption-attachment-299592" class="wp-caption-text">Gambian President, Adama Barrow. Image: Getty Images</p></div></p>
<p>After nearly four decades in power Angola’s Jose Eduardo Dos Santos did not seek reelection. But his ruling Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) retained power after winning the August presidential election. Dos Santos was succeeded by Joao Manuel Goncalves Lourenço, his former Minister of Defense.A nuisance to his Senegalese neighbour and an embarrassment to his peers in the subregional body, he was eventually pushed out by the Economic Community of West African States, ending his 22-year rule. He has since been in exile in Equatorial Guinea.</p>
<p>Zimbabwe provided the finale to an eventful year when, in a battle for succession, Robert Mugabe was forced out by a faction of his ZANU-PF with the help the Zimbabwean Defense Forces. Emmerson Mnangagwa, his long-time ally, and vice-president, took over the country. Mnangagwa has announced that elections this year will be ‘free and fair’. He is expected to retain power and his ZANU-PF to keep control of the national assembly.</p>
<h2>Different fortunes</h2>
<p>Rwanda, Kenya and Liberia all presented tales of different presidential fortunes.</p>
<p>After the December 2015 constitutional amendment allowing Paul Kagame to run for a third term and potentially remain in power until 2034, he was, without a surprise, reelected in august 2017 with almost 99 % of the votes. Kagame, touted by many as the providential leader who has stabilised and redressed a country emerging from genocide, is also criticised for muzzling all forms of opposition and restricting civil liberties.</p>
<p>In Kenya, Chris Msando, head of information, communication and technology for the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission, was tortured and murdered a week before the presidential election. Following the august 8th polls, the opposition coalition known as NASA and led by Raila Ondinga, contested the reelection of incumbent Uhuru Kenyatta. Despite international observers (including the African Union) finding no major issues with the polls, the Kenyan Supreme Court annulled the results and called for a new election in October.</p>
<p><div id="attachment_292572" style="width: 310px" class="wp-caption alignright"><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-292572" class="wp-image-292572 size-medium" src="http://cnbc.africa/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Uhuru-Kenyatta_New_Flickr-300x200.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="200" /><p id="caption-attachment-292572" class="wp-caption-text">Kenyan President, Uhuru Kenyatta.</p></div></p>
<p>Kenya has since sunk into a political and institutional crisis, aggravated by the recent inauguration of Odinga as the ‘peoples president’.Uhuru Kenyatta was eventually reelected president in October, after NASA’s refusal to take part in the election without addressing the key issues raised about the electoral commission.</p>
<p>Africa’s presidential electoral year ended in Liberia, on 28 December, with the passing of the baton between the ruling-party’s candidate Joseph Nyumah Bokai and Georges Oppong Weah. The former soccer star turned politician and senator, won in the second round with more than 60% of the votes taking over from Ellen Johnson Sirleaf’s 12 year rule. He will have to redress the resource-rich but yet poor nation, in the wake of a debilitating Ebola outbreak.</p>
<h2>Lessons to take into 2018</h2>
<p>In the three emblematic cases of ‘handover’ – Angola, Zimbabwe and The Gambia – it’s difficult to say whether the democratic deficit is less serious today. But if ZANU-PF and the MPLA don’t renew themselves, systems that don’t have a stellar record in the rule of law and good governance departments could easily be perpetuated.</p>
<p>Gambians, for their part, can hope that the coming to power of a novice in politics will bring them a better life.</p>
<p>Ensuring democratic and good governance, free and fair elections, and peaceful transitions to power are no longer optional.</p>
<p>Stability in several countries will indubitably be jeopardised in 2018 if some governments do not deliver free and fair elections. Similarly, undertaking constitutional changes that contradict the rule of law, the separation of powers and don’t uphold political agreements, will further entrench instability. From this point of view, Africa’s regional organisations will have to manage the post-electoral crises from previous years – including Kenya – and try and prevent those on the horizon this year.</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/91600/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />The African Union must, more than ever, have all its member states sing to the tune of democracy. This can be facilitated by a reform of the organisation. But this, in turn, hinges on the political will of those who will have to endorse the necessary changes. Unfortunately, they remain, for the moment, the guardians of the old order.</p>
<p><em>This article was originally published on The Conversation. </em></p>


Africa waves some leaders goodbye: but is the democratic deficit any narrower?

<p>By Hassan El-Houry, Group CEO, NAS</p>
<p>Africa is a single continent, comprising of 54 separate countries. Trade with the rest of the world can often be difficult and complex. Thirteen of the countries are landlocked, making air travel the best mode of transportation &#8211; especially considering the poor land infrastructure and terrain.</p>
<p><strong>High population with low international movement</strong></p>
<p>Africa is going through an economic boom and tourism in Africa grew by nine percent in 2017, the highest increase of any region. However it is interesting to note that even though Africans total 12 percent of the world population, they make up only three percent of the world’s travellers.</p>
<p>There are many factors influencing this gap. The lack of domestic flights causes significant issues, with stopovers causing double or triple the journey times on many routes. For example, when traveling from Abidjan to Kampala, both notable economic powerhouses, you have to fly via Istanbul and reconnect because there are no direct flights.</p>
<p>High-ticket prices also cause complications for Africa’s aviation industry. It’s expensive traveling to and from Africa, but it’s also expensive to travel within Africa, a factor driven by lesser competition and local airlines.</p>
<p>Non-African carriers currently cover eighty percent of the African market. While there is a steady increase in the number of African carriers like Ethiopian Airlines, South African, Kenyan Airways, Air Cote d’Ivoire, Royal Air Marco and Egypt Air, they still cannot fully compete with the likes of European or Middle Eastern carriers.</p>
<p><strong>Disparity in quality</strong></p>
<p>Intra-region visa restrictions are another major impediment to travel and economic prosperity in Africa. According to the Africa Visa Openness Index, on an average, Africans need visas to enter 55 per cent of states within the continent.</p>
<p>The African Union (AU) has attempted to address this issue of free movement within the region for the last 30 years by introducing a common African passport in 2016, with a goal to distribute them to all citizens by 2020.</p>
<p>While the number of countries becoming more liberal has increased, a visa-free Africa still seems like a dream for the continent’s entrepreneurs, doctors, aid workers, college professors and reuniting families.</p>
<p>Nonetheless, figures show that aviation in Africa has evolved significantly. Thirty or forty years ago, most of the traffic from the continent to other areas of the planet was to Europe or the United States. Now, there’s a lot of traffic between Africa, the Middle East and Asia, as well as between Africa and the rest of the world. For airports in Africa, this has meant that hubs serving all these destinations have grown and improved considerably due to increases in footfall and therefore income.</p>
<p><strong>The future of Africa’s aviation industry</strong></p>
<p>Relationships between African cities and countries, and their Asian and Middle Eastern counterparts have strengthened and deepened. As intra-African trade has increased and visa restrictions have decreased, travel within the continent will also continue to grow significantly.</p>
<p>Aviation impacts all our lives, on both a macro and micro level. A lot of products that are integral parts of our lives come to us through air travel, including food, electronics and medicines.</p>
<p>The ability to travel freely has dramatically changed our understanding of life as it enables a high level of mobility. By making air travel easier and accessible, we are encouraging more and more people to travel and increase interpersonal interactions across multiple borders.</p>
<p>By bridging geographic gaps, removing complexity and bringing people closer, aviation will boost the creation of shared value in our fractured world.</p>


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How the free movement of people could benefit Africa

Africa waves some leaders goodbye: but is the democratic deficit any narrower?

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African Union

Nigeria to sign AfCFTA at AU summit in Niamey

AU’s Albert Muchanga on the role digital trade in Africa’s growth

As more Africans go online this is what needs to be done to protect their identities

Welcome address by ABN Group’s Rakesh Wahi at the Forbes Woman Africa LWS gala dinner

GBC-Health launches the African business coalition for health

DRC vote dispute: Congolese living in Rwanda speak out

Assessing the gains of the Intra-Africa Trade Fair

Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame honoured with AABLA African of the year award

Op-Ed: Going Through Agenda 2063’s Guiding Vision

AU targets 30 countries to ratify AfCTA by December

Championing a united Africa

Why it’s impossible to wean African leaders off their addiction to power

SA to lift visa restrictions for Rwandans

Africa agrees to giant trade bloc, but Nigeria, South Africa sit it out

How the free movement of people could benefit Africa

Africa waves some leaders goodbye: but is the democratic deficit any narrower?

Africa’s aviation industry has a problem, but this could be the future

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