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African Union Member States (55) reporting COVID-19 cases (4,812,313), deaths (130,025) and recoveries (4,351,816) by region: Central (172,873 cases; 2,781 deaths; 159,001 recoveries): Burundi (4,650; 6; 4,198), Cameroon (77,982; 1,270; 72,926), CAR (7,085; 97; 6,665), Chad (4,927; 173; 4,742), Congo (11,658; 153; 10,591), DRC (31,386; 782; 27,654), Equatorial Guinea (8,476; 113; 8,146), Gabon (24,365; 150; 21,791), Sao Tome and Principe (2,344; 37; 2,288) Eastern (647,406; 12,678; 536,199): Comoros (3,949; 146; 3,719), Djibouti (11,523; 153; 11,354), Eritrea (4,022; 14; 3,812), Ethiopia (270,944; 4,139; 235,850), Kenya (170,041; 3,124; 116,018), Madagascar (41,184; 828; 40,028), Mauritius (1,356; 17; 1,181), Rwanda (26,878; 352; 25,542), Seychelles (11,145; 40; 9,936), Somalia (14,647; 768; 6,717), South Sudan (10,688; 115; 10,514), Sudan (35,289; 2,600; 27,949), Tanzania** (509; 21; 178), Uganda (45,231; 361; 43,401) Northern (1,453,109; 43,808; 1,276,107): Algeria (128,198; 3,586; 89,292), Egypt (259,540; 14,950; 190,254), Libya (184,815; 3,116; 171,279), Mauritania (19,407; 462; 18,377), Morocco (518,458; 9,135; 506,443), Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (739; 46; 691), Tunisia (341,952; 12,513; 299,771) Southern (2,066,519; 64,531; 1,933,721): Angola (33,607; 745; 27,529), Botswana (56,313; 831; 50,494), Eswatini (18,587; 672; 17,855), Lesotho (10,825; 326; 6,434), Malawi (34,323; 1,154; 32,598), Mozambique (70,697; 835; 69,232), Namibia (54,268; 807; 50,053), South Africa (1,654,551; 56,293; 1,551,520), Zambia (94,430; 1,275; 91,443), Zimbabwe (38,918; 1,593; 36,563) Western (472,406; 6,227; 446,788): Benin (8,058; 101; 7,893), Burkina Faso (13,424; 166; 13,248), Cabo Verde (30,122; 261; 28,163), Côte d&#39;Ivoire (47,195; 301; 46,591), Gambia (5,990; 178; 5,767), Ghana (93,775; 784; 91,853), Guinea (23,110; 161; 20,840), Guinea Bissau (3,760; 68; 3,511), Liberia (2,179; 86; 2,033), Mali (14,262; 516; 9,559), Niger (5,409; 192; 5,080), Nigeria (166,254; 2,071; 156,546), Senegal (41,296; 1,138; 39,932), Sierra Leone (4,140; 79; 3,128), Togo (13,432; 125; 12,644)Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (Africa CDC).
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Coronavirus: African Union Member States reporting COVID-19 cases as of 29 May 2021, 9 am EAT

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Twenty-two patients have been diagnosed positive for COVID-19 in tests carried out today at Quarantine Centers in Asmara (16), Central Region; and Keren (6), Anseba Region.

 On the other hand, thirty-nine patients who have been receiving medical treatment in hospitals in the Northern Red Sea (26), Anseba (7), Central (3), and Southern Red Sea (3), Regions have recovered fully and have been discharged from these facilities.
 The total number of recovered patients has accordingly risen to 3,811 while the number of deaths stands at 14.
 The total number of confirmed cases in the country to date has increased to 4,010.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Information, Eritrea.
Media files

Coronavirus – Eritrea: Announcement from the Ministry of Health (27 May 2021)

Content provided by APO Group. CNBC Africa provides content from APO Group as a service to its readers and does not edit the articles it publishes. CNBC Africa is not responsible for the content provided by APO Group.

Sixteen patients have been diagnosed positive for COVID-19 in tests carried out today at Quarantine Centers in the Northern Red Sea, Southern Red Sea, Gash Barka, Southern and Central  Regions.

Out of these, six patients are from Quarantine Center in Gelaalo, Northern Red Sea Region. Three patients are from Quarantine Center in Assab, Southern Red Sea Region.  Three other patients are from Quarantine Center in Om-Hajer, Gash Barka region.  Two patients are from Quarantine Center in Senafe, Southern Region. The last two patients are from Quarantine Center in Asmara, Central Region.
On the other hand, thirty-eight patients who have been receiving medical treatment in hospitals in Gash Barka Region have recovered fully and have been discharged from these facilities.
The total number of recovered patients has accordingly risen to 3,749 while the number of deaths stands at 14.
The total number of confirmed cases in the country to date has increased to 3,948.
Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Ministry of Information, Eritrea.
Media files

Coronavirus – Eritrea: Announcement from the Ministry of Health (25 May 2021)

NAIROBI/LAGOS, Nigeria (Reuters) &#8211; An Eritrean father yearning to be reunited with his four children after 15 years apart. An American woman adopting a Nigerian toddler. A Nigerian man desperate to be with his American wife and children. 



These are some of the families waiting to see how they will be affected by President Donald Trump’s expansion of the U.S. travel ban.



Awet, who asked that Reuters use a nickname to avoid reprisals against his family, fled Eritrea in 2005. He is now a U.S. citizen.



Awet described how he hugged his four young children hard, whispering only to his weeping mother that he was leaving forever. For three days, he said, he hid under rocks by day and dodged hyenas and soldiers at night as he tried to cross the border.&nbsp;



Awet spent four years as a refugee in Ethiopia and Kenya before being resettled to the United States in 2009. When a 2018 peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea made it possible for the children to leave Eritrea safely, he finally dared hope he would see them again.&nbsp;Awet had been trying to bring his children over on family visas for the past year.



But on Friday, Trump, a Republican, issued an expanded version of his travel ban that suspended immigrant visas &#8211; a category that includes family visas &#8211; for Eritreans and Nigerians.&nbsp;The other countries with new restrictions are Kyrgyzstan, Myanmar, Tanzania and Sudan.



U.S. Homeland Security acting Secretary Chad Wolf said the restrictions were needed because the six countries had failed to meet U.S. security and information-sharing standards. But U.S. House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a Democrat, called the ban “discrimination disguised as policy.” [nL1N2A020Z]



“Trump’s new law, for us, it’s very hurtful,” said Awet, speaking by phone from his home in the United States. “At least let the children in &#8230; those who want to come to be with their mother or father.”



Awet said he is still praying that he will see his children &#8211; now aged 14-18 &#8211; again one day. Their mother is in the Middle East.



“I’m leaving it to God,” he told Reuters.



“God and a lawyer,” his attorney Kari Scofield chimed in.



<h3 class="wp-block-heading">“YOU ARE POWERLESS”</h3>



In the West African powerhouse of Nigeria, 37-year-old Californian Lynsey Elston is waiting to find out if or when her newly adopted daughter will be able to meet the rest of the family back in the United States.



The former social worker always wanted to adopt. Three-year-old Eliana Ezinne arrived at her home in Nigeria on Christmas Eve 2019 after years of paperwork, interviews and uncertainty.



“This is my child,” she said as she cuddled the sleepy girl. “I can’t be separated from my child.”



Hasan Shafiqullah, head of the Immigration Law Unit at The Legal Aid Society in New York, told Reuters that Elston can apply for Eliana’s citizenship only from inside the United States, and Eliana can enter only on an immigrant visa.



The 2017 version of the travel ban outlines which groups can qualify for waivers, including adoptees, and the expanded ban says it will follow the same guidelines. But the system for obtaining waivers has proven opaque and difficult to navigate, and there is an ongoing federal lawsuit challenging the government’s implementation of the process.



“The emotion I am feeling is anger,” Elston said at her home in an upscale neighbourhood of Lagos.



In the same city, a 38-year-old Nigerian man quit his job last month as he prepared to move to the United States with his two toddlers and wife &#8211; all U.S. citizens. He asked for anonymity to avoid prejudicing his visa application.



The man said his mother and two sisters, also U.S. citizens, live in America, and he studied there and lived there for a decade. He wanted his children to grow up near his family, he said, and he considers America his second home.



Asked what he will do if he cannot get a visa to move with his family, he drew in a long, slow breath and went silent.



“I’m afraid to even consider that,” he said at last. “You really are powerless.”



Reporting by Ayenat Mersie and Libby George; Additional reporting by Mica Rosenberg in New York; Writing by Katharine Houreld; editing by Alexandra Zavis and Leslie Adler

Families in Africa fear impact of U.S. immigration ban, what you need to know…

OSLO (Reuters) &#8211; Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed won the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize on Friday for his peacemaking efforts with Eritrea.



Ethiopia and Eritrea, longtime foes who fought a border war from 1998 to 2000, restored relations in July 2018 after years of hostility. [nL8N1U5180]



The prize, worth nine million Swedish crowns, or around $900,000, will be presented in Oslo on Dec. 10.



“Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali has been awarded this year’s Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea,” the Norwegian Nobel Committee said in its citation.



The Nobel Peace Prize will be presented in Oslo on Dec. 10, the anniversary of the death of Swedish industrialist Alfred Nobel, who founded the awards in his 1895 will.



Reporting by Gwladys Fouche and Terje Solsvik in Oslo, Maggie Fick and Katharine Houreld in Nairobi; Editing by Andrew Heavens

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed wins 2019 Nobel Peace Prize

By <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/martin-plaut-319416">Martin Plaut</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/school-of-advanced-study-1058">School of Advanced Study</a>

Exactly a year ago Eritreans could hardly contain their joy as Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/07/ethiopia-pm-abiy-ahmed-eritrea-landmark-visit-180708083000438.html">touched down in Asmara</a>. The city had seen nothing like it in a generation that knew war rather than peace. Men and women lined the streets and waved Ethiopian flags as Abiy arrived to <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-44764597">seal a peace deal</a>. 

Less than a week later Eritrea’s president Isaias Afwerki made a reciprocal visit, landing in Addis Ababa to an <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-44824676">equally rapturous welcome</a>. In September a formal treaty was signed between the two leaders in the Saudi capital, Jeddah, witnessed by King Salman and the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, who described it as an <a href="http://www.arabnews.com/node/1372886/saudi-arabia">“historic event.”</a>

The treaty <a href="http://shabait.com/news/local-news/27076-agreement-on-peace-friendship-and-comprehensive-cooperation-between-the-federal-democratic-republic-of-ethiopia-and-the-state-of-eritrea-">covered a number of things</a>. It ended the state of war between Eritrea and Ethiopia; declaring a new era of peace, friendship and comprehensive cooperation.

As part of this deal, there were two important provisions. One called for “the establishment of joint special economic zones. The other was a pledge to establish a high-level joint committee, as well as sub-committees where needed to guide and oversee the implementation of this agreement.

But there has been little apparent progress on either front. Economic co-operation was probably one of the key drivers of this reconciliation. These included plans to develop a <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-08-23/eritrea-mulls-new-port-as-ethiopia-rapprochement-spurs-investors">massive potash mine that would straddle the border</a>. But little has been heard of the project in recent months.

Much the same can be said of the joint committees that were given the job of sorting out the many issues bedevilling relations between the two countries. 

What’s become clear is that the warmth of a year ago has largely gone. With little progress on implementing and institutionalising the relations between the two countries an air of uncertainty and suspicion is <a href="https://www.ethiopia-insight.com/2019/01/31/politicized-eritrea-peace-perpetuates-conflict-cycle/">creeping back</a>.

<h2>Disputed border</h2>

One of the sticking points between the two countries is the disputed border. The border was <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/eritrea/eritrea-ethiopia-boundary-commission-decision-regarding-delimitation-border">formally designated</a> by the Boundary Commission established after the 1998–2000 border war. The conflict had many causes: rivalry between the liberation movements that had been operating in both countries and economic competition. But it was competing claims to the insignificant border town of Badme that was the spark that <a href="https://www.newsweek.com/why-eritrea-border-ethiopia-conflict-zone-469739">ignited the war.</a> 

The two countries signed what became known as the Algiers Peace Agreement in 2000. The agreement made clear that the boundary commission could only make decisions based strictly on legal and historical grounds. This barred it from being able to allow for what might be considered just and fair – what’s known as <a href="https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/file/resources/collections/peace_agreements/eritrea_ethiopia_12122000.pdf">ex aequo et bono</a>. 

As a result, the border the Boundary Commission came up with resulted in settlements being dissected and villagers separated from their farmlands. And it left some people on both sides of the border concerned at being transferred from one state to the other. 

Changes could only be made by both countries agreeing to any adjustments. This was one of the questions that the joint commissions agreed to in Jeddah was meant to resolve. Others included the terms of trade between Eritrea and Ethiopia, for example exchange rates and economic relations which were seen as important <a href="http://www.dehai.org/conflict/analysis/alemsghed2.html">contributing factors</a> in the 1988 – 2000 border war.

<h2>Distractions</h2>

Rather than working to consolidate the peace, the leaders of both countries have drifted elsewhere. Ethiopia has been caught up in increasingly <a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/ethiopia/ethiopia-needs-act-fast-solve-its-internal-displacement-problem">complex and bloody ethnic conflicts</a> that have driven more than a million people from their homes. Coming to grips with this is taking much of Abiy’s time and attention. 

He has also been working <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SXHBo4Sug6k">on behalf of the African Union</a> to help resolve the political crisis in Sudan. Eritrea’s Isaias has also been to Sudan, but with a rather different remit. <a href="http://sudantribune.com/spip.php?article67719">Welcomed warmly by</a> by the deputy chairman of the Transitional Military Council, General Mohamed Hamdan Daglo &#8220;Hemetti”, Isaias issued a statement that showed his agenda was quite <a href="http://sudantribune.com/spip.php?article67719">different</a>, as shown by his recent statement:

<blockquote>
The Government of Eritrea requests the AU to refrain from internationalising and exacerbating the situation in Sudan. 
</blockquote>

His approach isn’t difficult to understand. Isaias enjoys <a href="https://allafrica.com/stories/201904110180.html">strong relations</a> with Saudi Arabia and the UAE both of which have been embroiled in a war in Yemen. Eritrea has <a href="http://www.madote.com/2016/09/how-eritreas-assab-port-became-major.html">allowed its ports and airfields</a> to be used by both countries to prosecute this war. At the same time the Sudanese military <a href="http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article67591">provide troops</a> to fight in Yemen and have been open in their support for the Saudi and UAE in their war aims. 

Saudi Arabia was therefore <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/may/05/saudi-arabia-sudan-uprising-omar-al-bashir">alarmed</a> at the challenge posed to the Sudanese government by the popular uprising in Khartoum and other Sudanese towns and cities. 

<h2>Border remains tense</h2>

Even though the glow of last year’s events has faced, Eritrea has nevertheless reaped many gains from the rapprochement with Ethiopia. One consequence is that it <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-47934398">signalled</a> the end of its international isolation. Limited United Nations sanctions were <a href="https://theconversation.com/sanctions-are-being-lifted-against-eritrea-heres-why-106881">lifted</a> and the country now holds a <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/eritrea-in-the-un-human-rights-council-fox-guarding-the-henhouse/a-49378901">seat on the UN Human Rights Council</a>, a body that frequently criticised its lack of adherence to international human rights norms.

Eritrea has also taken the chair of the <a href="https://www.khartoumprocess.net/about/actors-and-governance">Khartoum Process</a>. This is a critical position, since it is the key forum in which African states negotiate with the European Union.

But the situation along the Ethiopia-Eritrea border remains tense. The Ethiopian government attempted to move its heavy artillery away from the border, but this was <a href="https://ecadforum.com/2019/01/09/military-trucks-blocked-in-tigray-region/">blocked by local residents</a> of Tigray, fearful that there might be renewed conflict with Eritrea. 

Their concerns are hardly surprising. Isaias has made <a href="http://www.shabait.com/news/local-news/26520-president-isaias-speech-on-martyrs-day">vituperative statements</a> about his immediate neighbours, describing the Trigrayan ruling party &#8211; the TPLF – as “vultures”, and accusing them of following a “toxic and malignan” agenda.

It is difficult to know how relations between Addis Ababa and Asmara will develop. The fear is that Isaias has gone back to his unpredictable ways, making any predictions difficult.<img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/119931/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" style="border: none !important; box-shadow: none !important; margin: 0 !important; max-height: 1px !important; max-width: 1px !important; min-height: 1px !important; min-width: 1px !important; opacity: 0 !important; outline: none !important; padding: 0 !important; text-shadow: none !important" />

<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/martin-plaut-319416">Martin Plaut</a>, Senior Research Fellow, Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/school-of-advanced-study-1058">School of Advanced Study</a>

This article is republished from <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a> under a Creative Commons license. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-glow-of-the-historic-accord-between-ethiopia-and-eritrea-has-faded-119931">original article</a>.

Is the glow of the historic accord between Eritrea and Ethiopia fading ?

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) &#8211; Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki says Eritrea and Ethiopia have built trust since signing a peace deal in July, but need to iron out further elements of their ties to make their cooperation sustainable.
The neighbours had been bitter enemies ever since a two-year border war, in which some 80,000 people were killed, broke out in 1998 following disagreements over trade.
Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, extended an olive branch in April, shortly after his appointment, as part of a package of reforms that have reshaped the political landscape in the Horn of Africa.
Since then, the countries have reopened crossing points and embassies and resumed flights between their capitals.
Isaias told state-run television that the peace deal had heralded a “transitional stage that will lead to a new era” between the neighbours.
“The priority now is to create an environment for this new reality to flourish,” he told Eri-TV late on Saturday.
“We need to consolidate. One by one, we have to clearly state our issues and solidify them on a concrete basis. The reality is new, but it has to be sustainable,” Isaias added, without going into specifics.
“The agenda of pitting Eritrea against Ethiopia as antagonists, an agenda that also sought to isolate Eritrea globally, has concluded. It never succeeded.”
Editing by George Obulutsa and Kevin Liffey

How Ethiopia and Eritrea can strengthen trust since signing peace deal

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) &#8211; The leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea re-opened crossing points on their shared border for the first time in 20 years on Tuesday, cementing a stunning reconciliation and giving Addis Ababa a direct route to its former foe’s Red Sea ports.
Ethiopian and Eritrean forces stationed along the border will be moved back to camps to ease tensions further, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said.
“We heralded the new year by demolishing the trenches along our border,” Abiy told reporters, referring to the fact that Ethiopian New Year was celebrated on Tuesday.
“As of today, Ethiopia’s defence forces (along the border with Eritrea) will be gathered to camps and ease tension that was often extreme. The same will be done from the Eritrean side.”
The war that broke out in 1998 over the border and other issues killed an estimated 80,000 people before fighting ended in 2000 in a contested peace deal.
Tensions burned on over the position of the frontier &#8211; until Abiy offered to end the military standoff this year as part of a package of reforms that have reshaped the political landscape in the Horn of Africa and beyond.
Thousands of people from both countries watched one border opening ceremony in Zalambessa, an Ethiopian border town that was reduced to rubble soon after hostilities between the neighbours started in 1998.
Soldiers and civilians waving Ethiopian and Eritrean flags lined the road as Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki opened the frontier in a ceremony broadcast live on Ethiopian state TV.
“This is the happiest day of my life,” Ruta Haddis, an Eritrean from the town of Senafe just across the frontier, told reporters. “I never thought this would take place in my lifetime.”
The two leaders opened another frontier crossing at Bure, Eritrea’s Information Minister Yemane Meskel said in a tweet.
The Debay Sima &#8211; Bure crossing leads to the port of Assab in Eritrea’s east, while its Massawa port is directly north of the Serha &#8211; Zalambessa connection.
Ethiopia, a rising economic power with 100 million people, had been almost entirely dependent on tiny neighbour Djibouti for access to the Red Sea since 1998.
&nbsp;
ETHIOPIAN NEW YEAR
Pictures posted online by Abiy’s chief of staff showed the leaders talking and walking side by side in Bure &#8211; Abiy in camouflaged military fatigues and Isaias wearing sandals and a safari suit.
Some of the fiercest fighting during the 1998-2000 war took place in the Bure region.
The Eritrean and Ethiopian leaders have moved swiftly to end two decades of hostility since signing a breakthrough agreement in Asmara on July 9 to restore ties.
Eritrea reopened its embassy in Ethiopia in July, Ethiopia reciprocated last week and the two countries have resumed flights.
The two leaders also celebrated Ethiopian New Year together at the border with their troops on Tuesday, Abiy’s Chief of Staff, Fitsum Arega, said.
Ethiopia follows a calendar similar to the ancient Julian one &#8211; which started disappearing from the West in the 16th century &#8211; meaning the country entered its year 2011 on Tuesday.
Reporting by George Obulutsa in Nairobi and Aaron Maasho in Addis Ababa,; Writing by Ingrid Melander, Editing by Andrew Heavens and Ed Osmond

Former rivals Eritrea and Ethiopia reopen border crossing for the first time in 20 years

By George Obulutsa and Maggie Fick
NAIROBI, Aug 10 (Reuters) &#8211; The United Arab Emirates plans to build an oil pipeline connecting Eritrea and Ethiopia, the latest sign of the Gulf state’s increasing involvement in the Horn of Africa.
The pipeline will run from Eritrea’s port city of Assab to Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, an Ethiopian official said.
Landlocked Ethiopia began extracting crude oil on a test basis from reserves in the country’s southeast in June and will need access through Eritrea in order to export it.
Ethiopian broadcaster Fana first reported the pipeline plan earlier on Friday following a meeting in Addis Ababa between Ethiopia Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Reem Al Hashimy, the UAE’s minister of state for international cooperation.
The UAE played a behind-the-scenes role in helping Ethiopia and Eritrea end a two-decade state of war last month, Reuters reported this week.
<div>
<div class="DPSlot_container StandardArticleBody_dp-slot-inline" data-ad-type="other">
<div id="dpslot_canvas_5917273_AFL5N1V126S" class="DPSlot_ad-container" data-google-query-id="CMHs8aet4twCFUSp7QodatQI_g">Hashimy, who last month publicly referred to herself as the UAE’s policy lead on sub-Saharan Africa, said after meeting Abiy that the UAE is keen to exploit investment opportunities in Ethiopia, a country of 100 million people with the fastest growing economy in Africa, Fana reported.</div>
</div>
</div>
Abiy’s chief of staff, Fitsum Arega, told Reuters that the talks were largely on investment in “industries, agriculture, real estate, (the) oil pipeline, (and) resorts”.
“Most are under study,” Fitsum said in a text message.
<h3>REGIONAL RIVALRY</h3>
The UAE is also driven by a fear that rivals such as Iran or Qatar could gain a foothold. Both Qatar and Turkey are strong supporters of Somalia’s government. Earlier this year ties frayed between Mogadishu and Abu Dhabi and the two countries ended a UAE military training programme in Somalia.
Abu Dhabi has a military base in Assab which it uses in its military campaign in the war in Yemen, located just across the Red Sea.
Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir arrived in Addis Ababa on Thursday and met with Abiy, although there were no detailed announcements from the meeting.
Last month, Reuters reported that Ethiopia had asked Saudi Arabia for a year’s supply of fuel with payment delayed for 12 months to ease severe foreign currency shortages.
Eritrea’s foreign minister and a close adviser to President Isaias Afkwerki arrived in Ethiopia on Friday to discuss progress on implementing the agreement they signed last month.
The rapprochement ended Africa’s longest major military stalemate and holds great potential for both economies, which were held back by the “no war, no peace” status quo.
Though the two countries have re-opened embassies in each other’s capital and resumed flights, details ranging from border demarcation to war reparations have not been worked out. (Reporting by George Obulutsa Additional reporting and writing by Maggie Fick Editing by Jason Neely and Alexander Smith)

New oil pipeline connecting Eritrea and Ethiopia planned, here are the details

Justina Crabtree
Source: <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2018/07/18/ethiopian-airlines-flies-to-eritrea-buys-stake-in-eritrean-airlines.html">Ethiopia has resumed flying to the &#8216;North Korea of Africa&#8217; after a 20-year break</a>
<ul>
<li>Ethiopia&#8217;s national carrier is to start flying to its neighboring reclusive state of Eritrea as relations rapidly warm between the two countries after decades at loggerheads.</li>
<li>The transport link provided by Ethiopian Airlines helps landlocked Ethiopia pursue its goal of becoming a regional manufacturing hub as it attempts to grow its economy and provide jobs for a large, young population.</li>
<li>Eritrea is known as one of the most secretive — and least developed — countries in the world.</li>
</ul>
<img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://cdn.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/18190231/105336424-1531894657173gettyimages-150420592.1910x1000.jpg" alt="" height="1000" width="1910" data-licensor-name="Jenny Vaughan | AFP | Getty Images"/>
Flag carrier Ethiopian Airlines is to resume flights to the reclusive East African state of Eritrea on Wednesday, marking the end of a 20-year hiatus.
Ethiopian Airlines will also buy a 20 percent stake in Eritrean Airlines, according to a tweet Tuesday by Ahmed Shide, Ethiopia’s communication minister.
The newly-resumed transport links are the latest step in speedy 
rapprochement 
 between the two former foes in the Horn of Africa region. Earlier this month, Ethiopia and Eritrea declared an end to the state of war that had existed between them since 1998.
The Eritrean embassy in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa was re-opened Monday, following a visit over the weekend by Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, who was received by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The weekend prior, Abiy was in the Eritrean capital of Asmara.
Abiy, 41, has spearheaded swift reforms since taking power in April, following a 
political crisis 
 in which his predecessor resigned amid mass anti-government protests. Abiy ended the Ethiopian government’s self-imposed state of emergency 
two months early 
 and has opened up sectors of the heavily state-controlled economy to private investment.
Ethiopia is positing itself as a regional manufacturing and export hub, achieved through its 
China-style, state-led development model 
. The country has seen double-digit economic growth as recently as 2017, although approximately one-third of its inhabitants live below the poverty line.
Eritrea, meanwhile, is known as one of the most secretive — and least developed — countries in the world.
Now that flights have resumed, Ethiopian and Eritrean passport holders will be able to travel between the two countries and &#8220;be granted a visa by the respective authorities on arrival,&#8221; Fitsum Arega, Abiy&#8217;s chief of staff, tweeted last week.
“The perception that Ethiopia offers more substantial economic opportunities could lead to substantial migration (by Eritreans),” Pat Thaker, editorial director for the Middle East and North Africa at analysis firm Economist Intelligence Unit, told CNBC.
But Ethiopia, the second most populous nation in Africa, is not exactly an economic paradise, with an unemployment rate of over 17 percent, according to the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) estimate for 2012. Over 60 percent of Ethiopians are under 24.
“Comparisons with Asia’s manufacturing-led boom are, at least as yet, premature,” said a note by Capital Economics in May.
Ethiopia’s manufacturing sector accounted for just 4 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP) in 2015, comparable to Ghana and less than that of Kenya or Nigeria, the note said. This leaves it well behind emerging Asian tigers such as Thailand and Vietnam.
In addition, “There is a clear risk that an influx of large numbers of relatively poorly-skilled Eritreans could cause tensions by increasing competition for jobs in sectors such as construction or tourism,” Thaker said.
Eritrea borders the Red Sea and presents Ethiopia with the opportunity to diversify its access to ports, which it has been developing across the East Africa region.
The secretive nation is a former province of Ethiopia, seceding in 1993. Border tensions between the two countries flared up between 1998 and 2000 and had remained unresolved until this month.
Providing a new travel option for Eritreans could also impact the European migrant crisis. Eritreans form one of the largest groups of people crossing the Mediterranean Sea.
But it is Isaias’ potential to reform Eritrea that holds the greatest sway over this pattern, said John Ashbourne of consultancy Capital Economics.
“The country has been referred to as the North Korea of Africa, so a lot would have to change before people there saw a brighter future elsewhere,” he told CNBC via email.
<img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://cdn.cnbcafrica.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/18190235/105336429-1531894844890gettyimages-998533488.1910x1000.jpg" alt="" height="1000" width="1910" data-licensor-name="Stringer | AFP | Getty Images"/>

Ethiopia has resumed flying to the ‘North Korea of Africa’ after a 20-year break

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) &#8211; Eritrea’s president will make a historic visit to Ethiopia this weekend, cementing a stunning rapprochement with his giant neighbour after a generation of mutual hate and mistrust.
Isaias Afwerki will arrive in Ethiopia on Saturday, Eritrea’s Information Minister Yemane Meskel said on Friday, after the neighbours declared on Monday that their “state of war” was over.
The rapid changes come after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed launched a peace initiative last month. He visited Eritrea’s capital last weekend and signed a pact with Isaias on resuming ties, a move that ended a near 20-year military standoff after a border war.
“President Isaias Afwerki will lead a delegation and pay an official visit to Ethiopia tomorrow, 14th July,” Yemane tweeted.
“The visit will cement further/add momentum to the joint march for peace and cooperation set in motion by both leaders.”
The Horn of Africa neighbours have agreed to open embassies, develop ports and resume flights, in concrete signs of rapprochement after two decades of hostility since war erupted over their disputed border in 1998.
Abiy’s chief of staff tweeted the visit will last three days.
The reconciliation could transform politics and security in the volatile Horn region, which hundreds of thousands of young people have fled in search of safety and opportunities in Europe.
Under the new reformist prime minister, Ethiopia is opening up to the outside world after decades of security-obsessed relative isolation.
Since he took office in April, Abiy has announced plans to partially open up the economy, including attracting foreign capital into the state-run telecoms company and national airline. The country, with a population of 100 million people, has seen rapid economic growth over the past decade.
Reporting by Aaaron Maasho; Writing by Maggie Fick; Editing by Janet Lawrence

What you need to know about the president of Eritrea’s upcoming historic visit to Ethiopia

<figure><img decoding="async" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/226906/original/file-20180710-70072-6mpvs7.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="File 20180710 70072 6mpvs7.jpg?ixlib=rb 1.1" /><figcaption>Shutterstock
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/martin-plaut-319416">Martin Plaut</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/school-of-advanced-study-1058">School of Advanced Study</a>
This week Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed visited neighbouring Eritrea, to be greeted by President Isaias Afwerki. The vast crowds that thronged the normally quiet streets of Eritrea’s capital, Asmara, were simply overjoyed. They sang and they danced as Abiy’s car drove past. Few believed they would ever see such an extraordinarily rapid end to two decades of vituperation and hostility between their countries.
After talks the president and prime minister <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/jul/09/ethiopia-and-eritrea-restore-ties-after-20-years-of-enmity">signed a declaration</a>, ending 20 years of hostility and restoring diplomatic relations and normal ties between the countries.
The first indication that these historic events might be possible came on June 4th. Abiy declared that he would accept the outcome of an international commission’s finding over the disputed border. It was the border conflict of 1998-2000, and Ethiopia’s refusal to accept the commission’s ruling, that was behind two decades of armed confrontation. With this out of the way, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-44376298">everything began to fall into place</a>.
The two countries are now formally at peace. Airlines will connect their capitals once more, Ethiopia will use Eritrea’s ports again – its natural outlet to the sea – and diplomatic relations will be resumed.
Perhaps most important of all, the <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2018/07/09/africa/ethiopia-abiy-ahmed-eritrea-war-intl/index.html">border will be demarcated</a>. This won’t be an easy task. Populations who thought themselves citizens of one country could find themselves in another. This could provoke strong reactions, unless both sides show flexibility and compassion.
For Eritrea there are real benefits &#8211; not only the revenues from Ethiopian trade through its ports, but also the potential of very <a href="http://www.danakali.com.au/the-colluli-project">substantial potash developments</a> on the Ethiopia-Eritrea border that could be very lucrative.
For Ethiopia, there would be the end to Eritrean subversion, with rebel movements deprived of a rear base from which to attack the government in Addis Ababa. In return, there is every chance that Ethiopia will now push for an end to the <a href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2017/sc13065.doc.htm">UN arms embargo</a> against the Eritrean government.
This breakthrough didn’t just happen. It has been months in the making.
<h2>The deal</h2>
Some of the first moves <a href="https://www.oikoumene.org/en/press-centre/news/eritrean-orthodox-tewahdo-church-hosts-wcc-delegation">came quietly from religious groups</a>. In September last year the World Council of Churches sent a team to see what common ground there was on both sides. Donald Yamamoto, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, and one of America’s most experienced Africa hands, played a major role.
Diplomatic sources suggest he held talks in Washington at which both sides were represented. The Eritrean minister of foreign affairs, Osman Saleh, is said to have been present, accompanied by Yemane Gebreab, President Isaias’s long-standing adviser. They are said to have met the former Ethiopian prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, laying the groundwork for the deal. Yamamoto <a href="http://www.janes.com/article/79538/top-us-official-s-visit-to-eritrea-indicates-renewed-relations-assisting-sanctions-lifting-investment-and-ethiopian-peace-talks">visited both Eritrea and Ethiopia</a> in April.
Although next to nothing was announced following the visits, they are said to have been important in firming up the dialogue.
But achieving reconciliation after so many years took more than American diplomatic muscle.
Eritrea’s Arab allies also played a key role. Shortly after the Yamamoto visit, President Isaias <a href="https://www.tesfanews.net/president-isaias-pay-state-visit-to-saudi-arabia/">paid a visit to Saudi Arabia</a>. Ethiopia – aware of the trip – encouraged the Saudi crown prince to get the Eritrean president to pick up the phone and talk to him. President Isaias declined, but – as Abiy Ahmed later explained – he was <a href="http://www.aigaforum.com/news2018/conversation-with-pm-abiy.htm">“hopeful with Saudi and US help the issue will be resolved soon.”</a>
So it was, but one other actor played a part: the UAE. Earlier this month <a href="https://www.tesfanews.net/abu-dhabi-crown-prince-receives-eritrean-president/">President Isaias visited the Emirates</a>. There are suggestions that large sums of money were offered to help Eritrea develop its economy and infrastructure.
Finally, behind the scenes, the UN and the African Union have been encouraging both sides to resolve their differences. This culminated in the UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/07/09/un-chief-to-meet-ethiopia-s-pm-on-monday-after-peace-breakthrough-with-eritrea/">flying to Addis Ababa for a meeting on Monday</a> – just hours after the joint declaration. Guterres told reporters that in his view the sanctions against Eritrea could soon be lifted since they would soon likely become <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-ethiopia-eritrea-un-sanctions/u-n-chief-says-sanctions-on-eritrea-likely-to-become-obsolete-idUSKBN1JZ1UG">“obsolete.”</a>
It has been an impressive combined effort by the international community, who have for once acted in unison to try to resolve a regional issue that has festered for years.
<h2>Risks and dividends</h2>
For Isaias these developments also bring some element of risk. Peace would mean no longer having the excuse of a national security threat to postpone the implementation of basic freedoms. If the tens of thousands of conscripts, trapped in indefinite national service are allowed to go home, what jobs await them? When will the country have a working constitution, free elections, an independent media and judiciary? Many political prisoners have been jailed for years without trail. Will they now be released?
For Ethiopia, the dividends of peace would be a relaxation of tension along its northern border and an alternative route to the sea. Families on both sides of the border would be reunited and social life and religious ceremonies, many of which go back for centuries, could resume.
But the Tigrayan movement – the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) &#8211; that was dominant force in Ethiopian politics until the election of Prime Minister Aiby in February, has been side-lined. It was their quarrel with the Eritrean government that led to the 1998–2000 border war.
The Eritrean authorities have rejoiced in their demise. “From this day forward, TPLF as a political entity is dead,” declared a semi-official website, describing the movement as a ‘zombie’ whose <a href="https://www.tesfanews.net/eritrea-ends-second-operation-fenkil/">“soul has been bound in hell”</a>. Such crowing is hardly appropriate if differences are to be resolved. The front is still a significant force in Ethiopia and could attempt to frustrate the peace deal.
<img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/99683/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />These are just some of the problems that lie ahead. There is no guarantee that the whole edifice won’t collapse, as the complex details of the relationship are worked out. There are many issues that have to be resolved before relations between the two countries can be returned to normal. But with goodwill these can be overcome, ushering in a new era of peace and prosperity from which the entire region would benefit.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/martin-plaut-319416">Martin Plaut</a>, Senior Research Fellow, Horn of Africa and Southern Africa, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/school-of-advanced-study-1058">School of Advanced Study</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/eritrea-and-ethiopia-have-made-peace-how-it-happened-and-what-next-99683">original article</a>.

What you need to know about the peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea

No one saw it coming, but a lasting peace deal may have <a href="http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/africa/chance-of-Ethiopia-Eritrea-peace/4552902-4627576-q14mg5z/index.html">finally arrived</a> for Ethiopia and its longtime sparring partner, Eritrea. The two countries, which share a common culture, language, and history, have been at odds for years.
The conflict came to a head in May 1998 when the two countries <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-44004212">went to war</a> over the border town of Badme. Both wanted it on their side of the border. A peace deal – the <a href="https://peacemaker.un.org/eritreaethiopia-agreement2000">Algiers Peace Accord</a> – was signed by both parties after two years, but neither side complied with it for the next 16 years.
But there’s light at the end of the tunnel. Ethiopia’s new premier Abiy Ahmed has promised to fully comply with the accord. This means he’s willing to end hostilities between the two countries, and to pave the way for peace.
Ahmed has also promised to accept the outcome of a <a href="http://legal.un.org/riaa/cases/vol_XXV/83-195.pdf">2002 border commission ruling</a>, which awarded disputed territories, including the town of Badme, to Eritrea.
On Eritrea’s part, the country’s President Isaias Afewerki recently announced that he’s <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/eritrea-breaks-silence-and-responds-to-ethiopia-peace-overtures-will-send-delegation/2018/06/20/80c84c5c-745f-11e8-b4b7-308400242c2e_story.html?utm_term=.989ee6374249">ready to talk peace</a> with Ethiopia. An Eritrean delegation has since landed in Ethiopia <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/06/eritrea-delegation-arrives-ethiopia-landmark-talks-180626112950526.html">for talks</a>. And <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/av/world-africa-44619096/eritrean-and-ethiopian-delegates-meet-for-key-talks">the welcome ceremony</a> for the three-member Eritrean delegation indicated how much Ethiopia wanted to end the current status quo of animosity.
By accepting <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/ethiopia-offers-olive-branch-eritrea-180607104544523.html">Ahmed’s olive branch</a>, Afewerki showed his readiness to engage in a conflict resolution process that could potentially end the most damaging inter-state conflict in the Horn of Africa’s contemporary history.
Soon after his announcement, Eritrea’s anti-Ethiopian rebels (known as the Ginbot Seven) declared their readiness to <a href="http://www.africanews.com/2018/06/21/exiled-ginbot-7-seeks-to-return-and-pursue-a-peaceful-struggle-in-ethiopia/">end armed struggle</a> with Ethiopia.
If the conflict resolution process succeeds it will signal new hope for the entire region. A lasting peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea will provide much needed stability in the Horn of Africa where <a href="https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/understanding-east-africas-power-politics-one-core-time-egypt-somalia-kenya">competing global political dynamics</a> are often at play.
<h2>The history</h2>
Ethiopia’s military regime, led by Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam, was <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1991/05/28/world/ethiopian-rebels-storm-the-capital-and-seize-control.html">overthrown in 1991</a>. The rebel forces, including the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and Eritrean People’s Liberation Front, joined forces to defeat Mengistu and played a major role in bringing systemic change to Ethiopia.
After this victory, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front actively pursued its long-held aspiration to administer the state of Eritrea, which then formally seceded in 1993. Meanwhile, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front led the formation of a <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-strong-opposition-is-the-only-solution-to-dislodging-ethiopias-ruling-coalition-89698">four party coalition</a> known as the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front which has governed Ethiopia ever since.
The two ruling parties enjoyed a promising honeymoon period in the transitional years after Mengistu’s ouster. Ethiopia used Eritrea’s Red Sea Port for its import-export trade. Eritrea’s government continued to use Ethiopia’s currency, the Birr. But it wasn’t long before the regime in Ethiopia started questioning the Eritrean regime over a series of its <a href="https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/eritrea/forrel-ethiopia.htm">fiscal and political policies</a>.
Relations began to sour and quickly deteriorated to the point of war which first broke out in May 1998. Because their shared border had never been demarcated Eritrea laid claim to, and invaded Badme. The invasion developed into full blown conflict, claiming the lives of hundreds of thousands soldiers from both sides.
It was disastrous for both sides. Meles Zenawi, then Ethiopia’s premier, and President Afewerki oversaw the destruction of two struggling economies. They also created a <a href="http://nai.uu.se/news/articles/2016/03/23/121109/2016_2_Policy-Note_Redie-Bereketeab_Web-Version.pdf">humanitarian crisis</a> in the region. Both nations engaged in <a href="https://www.cfr.org/news-releases/ethiopia-eritrea-proxy-war-somalia-risks-broader-regional-conflict-warns-new-council">regional proxy wars</a>, most notably in Somalia. And both countries hosted anti-regime rebel forces from the other side.
Former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who ruled from 2012 to early 2018, was unable to engage meaningfully with Eritrea for a variety of reasons including <a href="http://www.madote.com/2015/07/tplf-selling-fear-doubt-cheap.html">stiff resistance</a> from the old guard among political elites and lack of response from Eritrea. This impasse led to a stalemate between the two countries which became known as “<a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17531055.2018.1483865">no war and no peace</a>”.
But Ethiopia’s new premier is showing stronger resolve by promising to enforce the Algiers Peace Accord, and accepting the boundary commission’s decision on the Ethiopia/Eritrea border demarcation. Luckily for Abiy, Afewerki has responded positively.
<h2>Peace and economic stability in the Horn</h2>
The conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea has had a destabilising influence on the Horn. One point of contention has been Ethiopia’s <a href="https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/thousands-of-ethiopia-troops-enter-somalia-to-hunt-al-shabab-20171102-2">military presence in Somalia</a>. Backed by the West, the country’s military is supporting the Somali government to fight Al-Shabaab. Eritrea has <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/jan/10/horn-africa-growing-instability">criticised this intervention</a> claiming that Ethiopia’s presence in Somalia is doing more harm than good.
For its part, Ethiopia has accused Eritrea of <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2012/07/2012716164543714168.html">supporting the terrorists</a>. Over the years, this proxy war between the two countries has had the <a href="https://www.cfr.org/news-releases/ethiopia-eritrea-proxy-war-somalia-risks-broader-regional-conflict-warns-new-council">potential to spark regional conflict</a>.
The conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea also spilled over into neighbouring Djibouti. Djibouti, which is one of Ethiopia’s main economic allies, has been engaged in a <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-40340210">war with Eritrea</a> over a disputed border at Dumeira Mountain and Dumeira Island, which are claimed by both countries. The area is one of the world’s busiest shipping routes and has long been recognised as being a part of Djibouti.
Ultimately, the prospect of peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea is likely to have a calming effect on the Horn. If stability is achieved, Ethiopia – a country with an estimated population of <a href="http://www.worldometers.info/world-population/ethiopia-population/">over 100 million</a> – could realise its potential as a regional economic and military power. This is political capital that it could use to transform the region into a united economic powerhouse.
Regional efforts to integrate economically have already started with the governments of <a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/201803020619.html">Ethiopia and Djibouti’s</a> leading the charge. And Prime Minister Ahmed has also reached an agreement with Kenya to partner on <a href="http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/business/Ethiopia-Djibouti-Kenya-partner-mega-projects/2560-4558022-o0pwn9z/index.html">port development projects</a>. The premier has also signed port development and <a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/201805220671.html">economic agreements</a> with Somaliland. <a href="https://www.nation.co.ke/news/africa/Ethiopia-Somalia-joint-port-deals/1066-4616104-e7g12uz/index.html">Similar agreements</a> have been reached with Somalia.
<img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/98888/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" alt="The Conversation" width="1" height="1" />In the same vein, Eritrea also has an opportunity to rehabilitate its economy by reviving its ties with Ethiopia.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/yohannes-gedamu-432503">Yohannes Gedamu</a>, Lecturer of Political Science, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/georgia-gwinnett-college-2416">Georgia Gwinnett College</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-peace-between-eritrea-and-ethiopia-will-mean-for-the-horn-of-africa-98888">original article</a>.

Here’s how peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea could benefit Horn of Africa

<figure><img decoding="async" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/219387/original/file-20180517-155564-upsa5z.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" alt="File 20180517 155564 upsa5z.jpg?ixlib=rb 1.1" /><figcaption>Burundi’s Pierre Nkurunziza is one of many authoritarian African leaders. 
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<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cheryl-hendricks-267661">Cheryl Hendricks</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/gabriel-ngah-kiven-482032">Gabriel Ngah Kiven</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a>
There is mounting concern in Africa about a lack of leadership as well as an increasing trend of hard-won democratic rights being reversed. One way this is being done is through presidential term limits being abandoned, or extended. This in turn is leading to a reemergence of authoritarian politics, and political violence.
Extending or abolishing term limits is not unique to the continent. Russia’s President Vladimir Putin won a fourth term <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/18/world/europe/election-russia-putin-president.html">in March 2018</a> after changes to the constitution and some nimble political footwork. And the Chinese parliament <a href="https://www.independent.ie/.../china-abolishes-presidential-term-limits-36692282.html">recently voted</a> to abolish term limits allowing for the possibility of President Xi Jinping becoming president for life. Given that Russia and China play an influential role on the African continent these events don’t bode well for the future of presidents sticking to term limits on the continent.
Burundi is a case in point. A poll <a href="https://theconversation.com/democracy-in-peril-burundis-referendum-will-cement-nkurunzizas-grip-on-power-96544">is being held</a> to amend the constitution to extend presidential term limits from five to seven years. Incumbency would be restricted to two consecutive terms. But the amendment doesn’t apply retroactively which means that President Pierre Nkurunziza could possibly remain in office until 2034. If he lives that long (he’s 55-years-old), and given that he assumed the position in 2005, this would make him president for 29 years.
Burundi is far from alone. Rwanda, Togo, Gabon, Uganda, Chad, Cameroon, Djibouti, Republic of Congo, Sudan, Eritrea, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo have all fiddled with term limits. They’ve done this by abolishing, amending or ignoring them, or by simply not holding elections. Other countries such as Ethiopia, Gambia, Lesotho, and Morocco <a href="https://africacenter.org/spotlight/term-limits-for-african-leaders-linked-to-stability/">have never</a> introduced term limits.
Some bids to remove or extend term limits and have failed. These include Frederick Chiluba in 2001 and more recently Edgar Lungu in Zambia, Olusegun Obesanjo of Nigeria (2005), Mamadou Tandja of Niger(2009-2010) and Blaise Compaore of Burkino Faso (2014).
Noteworthy is the fact that many West African countries actually adhere to term limits. This was recognised recently when Ellen Johnson Sirleaf received the Mo Ibrahim <a href="http://mo.ibrahim.foundation/prize/">leadership prize</a> after duly serving her constitutionally mandated term.
The upward trend of amending or abolishing constitutional term limits is likely to increase if organisations like the African Union (AU) don’t deal with the problem. In many countries citizens showing their disapproval, have been met with repression and violence. Large-scale political violence is likely to be the consequence if the trend persists.
<h2>A rolling back of rights</h2>
Africa went through a wave of democratisation from the 1990s. Citizens took to the streets demanding democratic rights. In many countries, the uprisings ended decades of one-partyism and personal rule. The key demands were for multi-party democracy, constitutionalism and that democratic norms and standards be institutionalised.
It’s in this milieu that countries adopted a bill of rights, the rule of law, checks and balances and term limits. Presidential term limits were deemed necessary for a number of reasons. The view was that <a href="http://africanarguments.org/2015/10/05/how-and-why-term-limits-matter">they would enable</a> better governance, equal opportunity to serve in government, curb patronage politics as well as end authoritarianism. These norms and standards were also seen as a way to stabilise countries <a href="http://www.monitor.co.ug/SpecialReports/688342-688342-ptx9ooz/index.html">politically</a>.
It certainly seems that these constitutional gains are being eroded by heads of state seeking to prolong their stay in power. There also appears to be little concerted attempt by bodies such as the AU to stop the erosion of hard-fought for democratic rights.
The AU’s silence may be because of ambiguity in norms and policy, and because of its leadership. The AU’s Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, which was ratified in 2012, rejects unconstitutional changes of government. But it doesn’t say anything specifically about abolishing term limits. <a href="http://archive.ipu.org/idd-E/afr_charter.pdf">Article 23 (5)</a> notes that countries will have appropriate sanction imposed on them if there are:
<blockquote>Any amendment or revision of the constitution or legal instruments, which is an infringement on the principals of democratic change of government</blockquote>
But it doesn’t spell out what type of amendments are being referred to.
The second factor has to do with the fact that many holding leadership positions at the AU are the same men who have amended or abandoned term limits – or come from the countries that have done so. This suggests the organisation won’t be tackling the “third termism” trend any time soon.
<h2>Spurious reasons for extending stays</h2>
A number of arguments have been put forward by leaders seeking to extend, or simply abandoning, term limits.
One is that term limits prevent <a href="https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Mugabe-slams-two-term-limit-on-African-leaders-20150614">people’s choice</a> of president. Another is that African leaders have much more to do to bring about development and therefore need more time. A third is that they have the sovereign right to govern and change constitutions as they see fit. And finally, the strongman argument around a president’s ability to keep the country united and to create peace and stability.
Rwanda is a case in point. President Paul Kagame <a href="https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/08/05/rwandas-paul-kagame-landslide-poll-win-around-98-votes/">received 99%</a> of the vote in August 2017. There’s no gainsaying that there have been remarkable achievements in rebuilding a post-genocide Rwanda. But if there isn’t anybody (and this is doubtful) capable of challenging Kagame after 18 years of rule, then he hasn’t created an environment for democratic leadership to emerge.
We should also be wary of election results that yield 99% support as this smacks of the heyday of one-man and one-party rule.
<h2>The curse of third terminism</h2>
As Africans prepare to celebrate Africa Day on the 25th of May, we need to keep in mind the ideas that inspired <a href="https://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/organisation-african-unity-oau">formation</a> of the Organisation of African Unity in 1963 and the <a href="https://au.int/en/history/oau-and-au">African Union</a> in 2001. These were the Pan-African ideals of political and economic integration, solidarity, unity, dignity, justice and equality for all.
The growing trend of “third termism” is likely to prevent African countries from reaching these goals yet again as the interests of individuals are placed above those of citizens and countries.
Africa needs visionary and courageous leadership, not benevolent or autocratic rulers. It needs leaders that can create the enabling environment for democracy, peace, and development to thrive and endure, and for citizens to live to their fullest potential.
Africa also needs citizens who will hold leaders to account and who will contribute to the realisation of the vision of a democratic pan-African future.
As Africans we don’t have to make a choice between democracy and development. We deserve both.
<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cheryl-hendricks-267661">Cheryl Hendricks</a>, Professor of Political Science, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/gabriel-ngah-kiven-482032">Gabriel Ngah Kiven</a>, PhD candidate in Political Studies at the Department of Politics and International Relations , <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/university-of-johannesburg-1275">University of Johannesburg</a>
This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/presidential-term-limits-slippery-slope-back-to-authoritarianism-in-africa-96796">original article</a>.

Op-Ed: Is Africa on a slippery slope back to authoritarianism?

ACCRA (Reuters) &#8211; Sub-Saharan African nations are at growing risk of debt distress because of heavy borrowing and gaping deficits, despite an overall uptick in economic growth, the International Monetary Fund warned on Tuesday.
The sober assessment comes as African countries continue to tap international debt markets and issue record levels of debt in foreign currencies, spurred on by insatiable investor demand for yields.
In its economic outlook for the region released in Accra Ghana, the Fund projected the rate of economic expansion would rise to 3.4 percent this year, up from 2.8 percent in 2017, boosted by global growth and higher commodity prices.
Slower growth in South Africa and Nigeria &#8211; the continent’s two largest economies &#8211; weighed on the region-wide average, but the IMF expects growth to pick up in around two-thirds of African nations. However, under current policies, that rate is expected to plateau below 4 percent over the medium term.
Meanwhile, around 40 percent of low-income countries in the region are now in debt distress or at high risk of it, the IMF said. And refinancing that debt could soon become more costly.
“The current growth spurt in advanced economies is expected to taper off, and the borrowing terms for the region’s frontier markets will likely become less favourable &#8230; which could coincide with higher refinancing needs for many countries across the region,” it said.
African governments issued a record $7.5 billion in sovereign bonds last year, 10 times more than in 2016. And they have issued or plan to issue over $11 billion in additional debt in the first half of 2018 alone, the report said.
Foreign currency debt increased by 40 percent from 2010-13 to 2017 and now accounts for about 60 percent of the region’s total public debt on average, IMF data showed. Average interest payments, meanwhile, increased from 4 percent of expenditures in 2013 to 12 percent in 2017.
Six countries &#8211; Chad, Eritrea, Mozambique, Congo Republic, South Sudan and Zimbabwe &#8211; were judged to be in debt distress at the end of last year. And the IMF’s ratings for Zambia and Ethiopia were changed from moderate to “high risk of debt distress.”
The IMF conceded that Africa’s enormous needs will continue to demand heavy investments to build infrastructure and social development. But to do so while avoiding the risk of a debt trap the continent, which currently has the lowest revenue-to-GDP ratio in the world, will need to become more self-reliant.
“With debt vulnerabilities rising in the region, sub-Saharan African countries will need to further rely on sustainable sources of financing, making domestic revenue mobilisation one of the most urgent policy challenges for the region,” it said.
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Editing by Joe Bavier, Larry King
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